Continuing his pitch about the “threat to the Constitution”, Rahul Gandhi visited Prayagraj on August 24 for the Samvidhan Samman Sammelan, organised by an NGO. His primary talking points were a caste census and opposition to lateral entry into government roles. However, the statement that made headlines was: “I checked the list of Miss India to see if there were any Dalits or Tribals in it; but there were no women who were Dalit, Tribal, or OBC.” This followed his earlier query in Parliament about the number of SCs/STs/OBCs among the 91 Secretaries at the Centre.
Rahul’s focus on caste issues contrasts with the fact that India currently has a tribal woman as President and an OBC as Prime Minister. Despite this, his remarks are being applauded on social media and by his party members, who believe he is effectively challenging the Modi 3.0 regime. The government’s rollback of the lateral entry scheme came four days after Rahul’s social media post criticising the scheme as “anti-national.”
The Leader of the Opposition’s attacks on Modi 3.0 are both political and illogical. Lateral entry into the middle and top echelons of the bureaucracy is a legacy of Jawaharlal Nehru, continued by Indira Gandhi and her successors, including Rajiv Gandhi.
The list of notable figures who entered the government through lateral entry begins with P.N. Haksar, who was inducted shortly after Independence. Two decades later, Indira Gandhi appointed him as her Principal Secretary, and he was instrumental in setting up the Prime Minister’s Secretariat (now the Prime Minister’s Office, or PMO). His successor, Prof. P.N. Dhar, was a distinguished economist who rose from being a joint secretary. Manmohan Singh, the architect of India’s economic reforms as P.V. Narasimha Rao’s Finance Minister and later Prime Minister during the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) rule, also began his career as a lateral entry joint secretary in the Commerce Ministry in the 1970s.
Other prominent figures who entered through lateral entry include Arjun Sengupta, I.G. Patel, Bimal Jalan, Montek Singh Ahluwalia, Vijay Kelkar, Rakesh Mohan, Rajiv Kumar, Mantosh Sondhi, V. Krishnamurthy, and Jairam Ramesh (now a fourth-term MP, Congress General Secretary, and chief spokesperson). M.A. Wadud Khan, chairman of Tata Oil Mills Ltd (TOMCO), was appointed as Steel Secretary by Indira Gandhi’s government in 1971. This list could be expanded, as successive regimes have sought individuals with domain expertise to augment the generalist Indian Administrative Service (IAS) bureaucracy.
During the UPA era, there were efforts to formalise lateral entry into law. However, as was often the case during Manmohan Singh’s tenure, which operated under Sonia Gandhi’s oversight, indecision prevailed. The Second Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC), established in August 2005 and chaired by Congress stalwart Veerappa Moily, recommended lateral entry into government service.
The Congress did not oppose the lateral entry scheme during the Modi 1.0 and 2.0 regimes. However, the hung verdict of June 4, 2024, revitalised the party, which had been demoralised by consecutive electoral defeats. The BJP’s “Abki baar 400 paar” slogan failed, much like the “India Shining” campaign of Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s NDA in 2004. Having broken its streak of winning less than 10% of seats in 2014 (44 MPs) and 2019 (52 MPs) by securing 99 seats, nearly doubling its presence in the Lok Sabha, the Congress now feels emboldened to challenge Modi.
The survivability of previous coalitions-Vajpayee-led NDA (1999-2004) and the decade-long UPA government under Manmohan Singh-was built around adopting a common agenda, referred to by the UPA as the Common Minimum Programme (CMP). The complexities of coalition politics constrained both the Vajpayee and Manmohan governments, but they completed their respective full five-year terms.
Vajpayee’s BJP in 1999 was 90 seats short of a majority in the Lok Sabha (272 seats), while Modi’s BJP is currently 32 seats short. The BJP’s own strength of 240 seats surpasses the opposition INDIA alliance’s total of 235 seats. However, both major initiatives proposed in the 18th Lok Sabha-Waqf reform and lateral entry for domain experts recruited by the UPSC-have faced obstacles due to concerns from some NDA allies. The Waqf matter was referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee headed by BJP’s Jagadmbika Pal (a former Congressman who served as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for one day in 1998). The lateral entry initiative has been shelved and is now being reviewed with a focus on social justice.
Modi 3.0’s NDA is different from the Vajpayee-era NDA. There is no Common Minimum Programme (CMP) in place. Unlike during 1999-2005, when George Fernandes served as the NDA Convener, there is currently no convener for the alliance. This absence may hinder Modi 3.0’s progressive policies, as allies sometimes react spontaneously, echoing concerns raised by opposition parties. Consensus-building and perception management are crucial for the effectiveness of any coalition.
A recent mood of the nation poll has shown Rahul Gandhi as India’s leading opposition figure with broad acceptability. His rating, at 21%, is significantly ahead of Akhilesh Yadav, Arvind Kejriwal, and Mamata Banerjee, each of whom has single-digit scores.
A week before his statement in Prayagraj about the oversight of SCs/STs/OBCs in the selection of Miss India, Rahul made headlines by ordering an Uber to travel from Noida to Akbar Road in New Delhi. After the ride, he put up a post on ‘X’, expressing concern over the plight of gig workers: “They are struggling to survive on hand-to-mouth income with no savings and no security for their families’ future”. While this was a well-meaning sentiment, it revealed a disconnect with the Congress party’s governance history.
Soon after coming to power in 2004, the UPA government, under the chairmanship of an eminent economist who had served as Additional Secretary in the PMO during Indira Gandhi’s 1971 government, set up the National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS). This commission was tasked with advising on matters related to the informal employment sector, including gig workers.
The Arjun Sengupta Commission submitted its report to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh during UPA 1. The recommendations included hospitalisation coverage and sickness benefits for registered workers, personal accident coverage with cash payouts to bereaved families, and old-age security through pensions for below-poverty-line (BPL) workers.
Had these reforms been implemented during the UPA rule (the report remained unacted upon for seven years until 2014), Rahul Gandhi could have posted a more positive picture on “X,” highlighting the achievements of his party while in power.
The position of LoP is statutory, established during Morarji Desai’s regime (1977-79), though it is often mistakenly referred to as a constitutional position. Rahul Gandhi’s conduct should align with the dignity of his position. His comment on Miss India drew sharp criticism from the BJP. “Such a statement could only come from a ‘Bal-buddhi’ (juvenile),” said Minister Kiren Rijiju.
Rahul’s preference for a T-shirt is similar to that of Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, a former stand-up comedian who has shown remarkable statesmanship under challenging circumstances. Rahul Gandhi should avoid frivolity and embody the legacy of Feroze Gandhi as a parliamentarian, and of Nehru, Indira, and Rajiv Gandhi as political leaders.
(Shubhabrata Bhattacharya is a retired editor and a public affairs commentator)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author
