On August 5, 2024, the Sheikh Hasina government, which had ruled Bangladesh with an iron fist for nearly sixteen years, collapsed following the quota reform movement led by students and political parties. Over the course of the July-August uprising, a few incidents stand out.

First, is the role of the private universities, which had largely stayed away from political movements till then. Second, is the part played by the ‘study circles’, formed three years before the collapse of the government to escape government surveillance. Third, is the prominence of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) and its student cadres. Fourth is the disappearance of the Bangladesh Chhatra League — the student wing of Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League (AL) — a day prior to the students’ march to Dhaka.

Historically, students have been at the forefront of various political movements in Bangladesh. Be it the language movement that saw the students of the Dhaka University (DU) demand the recognition of Bangla as the national language, or the students handing over the flag of the independent Bangladesh to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman prior to the Liberation War of 1971, or the anti-Ershad movement of the 1990s, or the latest July revolution of 2024, students have played an important role in shaping the politics of the country.

More than students’ causes

A remarkable factor of these protests has been the students’ capacity to transform their causes into broad-based movements. In the 2024 July -August uprising that ultimately overthrew Ms. Hasina, not only the teachers, but the parents of the students too became part of the movement. “It was impossible to keep the children at home. As they moved to the streets, the parents joined them,” a witness said. What began as a students’ movement effectively became a Chhatro-Janata (student-people) movement eventually.

The 2024 protests also saw political actors and cadres play a significant role, organising and implementing the agenda of the students. This was evident from the fact that the students, who wanted a reversal of the quota system, were unwilling to renounce their protests even after the Supreme Court scrapped the High Court decision. It is likely that the Opposition political parties, which had a vested interest in removing Ms. Hasina, took the centrestage, effectively transforming the objectives of the original movement that focused on quota reforms.

Also, Ms. Hasina’s government, that had conducted three flawed elections, lost touch with the ground. The dissatisfaction and discontent among the people were apparent as corruption had seeped into the system. Ruthless repression was unleashed by a politicised law-and-order machinery that saw its interests entrenched with the survival of the government.

The Hasina government’s labelling of the students as razakars (a name used to refer to those who collaborated with the Pakistan Army in 1971) not only incensed them but also showed the government’s efforts at delegitimising the protesters’ demands. The students, however, turned the slogan to their advantage and made it a ‘counter-hegemonic’ line, managing to hijack the narrative-building from the hands of the government.

Affluent students from private universities in Dhaka, who had earlier remained aloof during the quota reform movement, also joined the protests, changing the character of the movement. The protests were, as Bangladeshi academic Navine Murshid described, “organised mobilisations against the repressive state apparatus”.

Organising the movement

Several study circles or Patho chakros were established by the students prior to the July upheaval to discuss the political, ideological and social issues confronting Bangladesh. These small groups included intellectuals with whom students could discuss issues that affected Bangladesh politics and share their thoughts on the way forward. One such group was also linked to author and Awami League critic Farhad Mazhar, whose ideas on revolution, especially his book Gono-Obhyuthan O Gothon: Bangladeshe Gonorajnoitik Dharar Bikash Proshongo, were discussed by the students.

The formation of these groups was important given the political context. There had been no avenues for students to conduct their activities, share their thoughts or openly criticise the government, due to the draconian Digital Security Act, and a pervasive culture of fear.

Groups such as the Bodhi Chakra, the Bhabo Boithak and the Gurubar Adda etc. came into being as discussion forums for politics. These forums created unity among the students, breaching ideological barriers. As Sohul Ahmed, a Dhaka-based political analyst said, “the Shahbag group and the Shapla Chattor group, who stood at the extreme ends of two ideologies, came together in these study circles by bridging the political distance that existed between them since 2013”. The students, without creating a new organisation, took help from existing ones to put forward their ideas.

Magazines such as Rashtro Chinta focused on political issues while Purbo Pakho and Ronoppa were cultural journals.

Many artists also joined the protest. Not only did they draw posters but they also sang songs of the protests. Some of the participants included the Samgeet and the Anti-Oppression Artists’ Association, visual artist Debashis Chakraborty, artists Sayan and Mousumi, cartoonists Ahmed Kabir Kishore and Mehedi Haque, rapper Hannan, and the University Teachers Network.

As the anti-quota movement mobilised, the students also tried to bring the Gen Z and the middle class into its fold. The turning point proved to be when the private university students and madrassa students, who have generally refrained from joining protests of the students at public universities, joined the ‘Students Against Discrimination’ movement.

The students who came together to demonstrate against Ms. Hasina included not just the ones belonging to the student-wings of political actors but also the regular students who were concerned about their jobs due to the quota system. Despite lacking ideological coherence, they stood united against the Awami League and the Chhatra League.

Political messaging through graffiti

Not just the posters and placards carried by the students, but the walls of Dhaka too were used for political messaging, as the Hasina government controlled the media and shut down the Internet for eleven days. As the government and the Chhatra League’s repression intensified, the students, who had mobilised under the name ‘Students Against Discrimination’ (SAD), gave a call for online and offline graffiti on July 18. Ms. Murshid mentions that the Chika Mara (a form of graffiti made popular during the Language Movement of 1952 and the Liberation War of 1971) wall writings, which were deemed ‘vulgar’, were ‘replaced by endless walls of art’. She describes how this wall art now featured detailed Islamic calligraphy since the fall of Ms. Hasina. “What was called graffiti had become politicised in a different way: co-opted to demonstrate the ideals of a “new Bangladesh” after the “revolution” and repurposed to create a certain narrative. It was less about religious messaging and more of an expression of anger conveyed in a beautiful way.

No one knows why they were erased or who gave the instructions (though such graffitis have always given way to new ones). There was also a debate on what to be retained and erased from the walls. The use of inappropriate language in political sloganeering was removed as some argued that ‘profanities did not belong in areas where children and elderly parents could read them’.

Some believed that the use of inappropriate language through ‘spray painted scrawls, and the spikes and messiness of the script’ also reflected the ‘chaos, fear and wrath’ felt by protestors persecuted by the law enforcement agencies. A sanitised version of the graffiti that adorned the walls of Dhaka was later printed and presented as the ‘Art of Triumph’ by Chief Adviser and head of the interim government Professor Muhammad Yunus to a visiting delegation.

First martyr

The movement had its first martyr in Abu Sayeed, a student from Rangpur, who symbolised the aspirations of millions looking for a government job. He was shot dead on July 17, 2024. The subsequent killings, which numbered close to 1,000, were mostly the result of police firings, completely transforming the nature of the movement and making it about the removal of Ms. Hasina.

The protests were no longer restricted to the quota reforms spearheaded by students but had shifted to the hands of a larger political class. This made it difficult for the government to divide the students and arrest their leaders. Subjecting them to intelligence interrogation did not help either.

Ms. Hasina had surrounded herself with sycophants and opportunist leaders who could not speak the truth to power. The killings of nearly 1,000 students and youth proved to be the impetus needed to sustain the anti-government movements. Both the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the JeI claimed that their cadres were also among the victims. There were others too, such as policemen, AL workers and minorities who were deemed supporters of the AL. These killings were justified as a reappraisal attack by the administration.

Some of the student leaders who were part of the Awami League’s youth wing, the Chhatra League, came out of their cover and identified themselves as part of the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir — the student-wing of the JeI. In fact, Sarjis Alam, convener of the newly formed student-led National Citizens Party (NCP), who at one point of time had belonged to the Chhatra League, lauded the role of the Chhatra Shibir. This well-conceived policy to use the Awami League and the student organisations as a cover was part of the JeI’s strategy to counter the government repression — something it did in 1972 when the party was banned.

For the past 15 years, the Liberation War and the Awami Leagu’s role in it were capitalised by Sheikh Hasina. According to this narrative, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the sole proprietor of the Liberation War, and the version perpetuated by Ms. Hasina and the Awami League about the Liberation War became the national narrative. Anyone who questioned this was termed anti-liberation force or razakars.

Aftermath of the uprising

The fall of Ms. Hasina’s government on August 5, 2024, witnessed not just violence against minorities perpetuated by those opposed to the Awami League but also a rush to occupy university halls and ferry ghats to ensure a show of strength. In Bangladesh politics, university halls play an important part in the recruitment of party cadres while occupation of ferry ghats ensures political control and extortion of money from ferry operators, which is a significant source of revenue.

This reflected how the more things changed, the more they remained the same. Effectively, the control of halls and ferry ghats had merely shifted from the hands of the Chhatra League to the Chatra Dal — the student-wing of the BNP.

The student-led NCP, which had projected itself as the main stakeholder of the July revolution, demanded a trial of Awami League workers and other high officials involved in the violence of July 2024. It accused the chief of the Army Staff, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, of forcing its members to accept a ‘refined Awami League’ when party leaders and Students Against Discrimination activists Sarjis Alam and Hasnat Abdullah, went to meet him.

The Army subsequently denied this allegation, with student leaders such as Abdul Hannan Masud, senior joint chief coordinator of the NCP, opposed to expressing such views against the Army in public.

Meanwhile, the press wing of the Bangladesh Armed Forces, the Inter Service Public Relations (ISPR), while acknowledging that the Army provided shelter to politicians, judges and police, also said “After the fall of the previous government during the students-and-citizens-led uprising, the overall law and order situation in the country deteriorated significantly due to the activities of certain conspiratorial elements.”

This breakdown in security led to attacks on government offices and police stations, violence against political activists and supporters of the Awami League, arson, mob justice, thefts, and looting. In such a chaotic and volatile environment, many citizens feared for their lives. However, the ISPR later clarified that all these officials left once the situation returned to normal. The NCP has been suspicious of the Army’s links to the Awami League, leading to apprehensions that it may try to rehabilitate the party.

Separately, the lifestyles of some student leaders came under scrutiny, as did their sources of wealth. The misuse of official positions by student leaders also made the headlines. An instance to be cited is the opening of an office by the NCP in Dhaka’s Bangla Motor area and the hosting of an Iftar party at a five-star hotel, raising questions about its source of funding. Mr. Alam’s motorcade, comprising over a hundred vehicles, in his hometown of Panchagarh, also raised questions regarding the expenses of this lavish show.

The NCP has recently suspended Joint Member Secretary Gazi Salauddin Tanvir on corruption charges. Its Joint Convener Sarwar Tushar was also suspended on moral turpitude as the party tries to build a clean image.

After removing Ms. Hasina’s appointees from educational institutions and bureaucracy, the government filled them with the affiliates of the BNP and the JeI.

Demolition of 32 Dhanmondi (the former residence of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman), and attacks against former Ministers and their supporters’ houses across the country set the tone for a “new Bangladesh”, where mob violence became the order of the day. In response, the Yunus government launched ‘Operation Devil Hunt’ on February 8, 2025, to address the lawlessness, especially after students and civilians were allegedly attacked by ‘Awami League miscreants’ in Gazipur a day before. Yet, at the same time, mob violence has been justified as ‘expression of anger’.

The post-uprising period also witnessed a systematic dismantling of anything associated with the Liberation War. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s statue was taken down, and his house was set on fire with some even dancing in front of it, which at one point in time, was a political symbol. The house was dismantled when a call for a ‘bulldozer march’ was made on social media with the government quietly presiding over the process.

Some even demanded the dropping of the national anthem to do away with Bangladesh’s historical legacy. The final erasure of the Liberation War came when the Awami League was banned following demands by the NCP. Not surprisingly, the Hefazat-e-Islam, an Islamist party, had also joined hands with the NCP to call for this demand.

Meanwhile, several protests have broken out against the Yunus government since it came to power on August 8, 2024. While garment workers demanded an increase in wages, secretariat employees went on strike in May 2025 after Mr. Yunus announced a law that enabled the dismissal of public servants for misconduct before due process, which was perceived as an arbitrary move. More recently, schoolteachers protested seeking a salary hike. Separately, there have been frequent protests by political parties too.

Post ‘revolution’: new politics?

The student leaders who would go on to become part of the newly formed government played an influential role initially. While political reforms were their stated objective, within a few months, it became apparent that the students wanted to form their own party.

The Awami League government was massively corrupt and ruthless; but anyone familiar with the functioning of political parties in Bangladesh would be aware that the party leadership reigns supreme and hence the Awami League alone cannot be blamed for Ms. Hasina’s misgovernance. It is also likely that the banning of the Awami League would open up space for both the NCP and the Islamists while the BNP remains a strong contender for power.

The JeI, which has justified its role in the Liberation War of 1971, wants to create a new narrative. The party’s Ameer, Dr. Shafiqur Rahman, said soon after the July-August uprising that Bangladesh has given birth to brave children and has achieved a second liberation. This second liberation would be preserved with blood.

The Khaleda Zia-led BNP, which had earlier not supported the ban on the Awami League, interestingly warmed up to the idea. It also accused the NCP of being the ‘Kings’ Party’ and claimed it received patronage from the interim government. It alleged that the NCP was setting up the Yunus government’s agenda along with the Islamists; a point exemplified by the fact that the NCP was joined by the Hefazat, the JeI and its student front, the Chhatra Shibir, and the Amar Bangladesh Party, in its demand seeking a ban on the Awami League.

Division within the students

Following its launch on February 28, 2025, the NCP included in its fold students from various political factions who played a crucial role during the student movement. For example, NCP chief coordinator Nasiruddin Patwari had previously served as the assistant secretary for information and research affairs of the Amar Bangladesh Party (AB Party), which had broken away from the JeI earlier. NCP Member Secretary Akhtar Hossain was the convener of the Ganatantrik Chhatra Shakti and a former social welfare secretary of DUCSU.

While the Chhatra Shibir played an important role, the party was not included in the NCP due to differences in opinion regarding its role within the NCP. Former Shibir activists on the platform wanted Ali Ahsan Zonaed, former president of the Shibir’s Dhaka University unit and member of the Nagorik Committee’s executive body, as the second-in-command of the new party.

The Shibir’s demand for an important position in the NCP was based on its role in the protests. Abdul Shadik Kayem, who belonged to the DU unit of the Chhatra Shibir, said the Shibir worked with various student factions. He said, “I was also in touch with S.M. Farhad (Chhatra Shibir’s Dhaka University secretary) and Mahfuz

Alam (present adviser in the interim regime). They, in turn, were talking to Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud. It was on July 3, 2024, that the Executive Council of the Chhatra Shibir met, and a decision was made for the party to support the movement. Without the Shibir’s support, organising the protests would have been difficult.”

After Ms. Hasina’s ouster, student-wings of the JeI and the BNP were at loggerheads. Both the Chhatra Shibir and the Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatrodal (the BNP’s student-wing) wanted to dominate the campus, creating a problem for the student leaders who had organised the protests under the banner of the ‘Students Against Discrimination’.

It was only in October 2024 that the Chhatra Shibir decided to participate in politics actively as they formed a committee in Dhaka University. Earlier on August 13, 2024, the Chhatra Shibir participated in a meeting of 35 other student organisations. The Shibir Public Relations officer had said, “Everyone on campus knew those who were on the committee in 2014 and 2018. The Shibir could not officially announce the committee during Sheikh Hasina’s regime”. In 1990, an organisation named Paribesh Parishad, representing all active student organisations of the Dhaka University, had passed a resolution to not allow the Chhatra Shibir from carrying out political activities at the varsity. Despite such stipulations, the Shibir remained active.

Another group that was excluded from the NCP were leaders from private universities, who played a significant role in the student movement. While announcing its 50-member advisory Council on August 14, 2025, the party did not include any students from private universities.

There was also a debate on whether the NCP should include in the council former Shibir cadres whose parent party, the JeI, was opposed to the Bangladesh Liberation War. The Shibir’s role in the student movement was recognised by Sarjis Alam of the NCP. Speaking at a Chhatra Shibir rally at the Suhrawardy Udyan in December 2024, Mr. Alam said, “We found Islami Chhatra Shibir to be our allies in 2024. They supported us both directly and indirectly by being present on the streets, offering advice, and playing the role of allies at crucial stages.”

Former Shibir activists who were part of the Students Against Discrimination movement, later formed an NCP Committee and pressed for the inclusion of Ali Ahsan Zonaed and Rafe Salman Rifat, former presidents of the Shibir’s Dhaka University unit. But this was not accepted. These members then decided to form the United Peoples Bangladesh as a new political organisation including the members who participated in the July revolution.

Reforms is one of the areas where there has been no consensus among different stakeholders. After enforcing a ban on the Awami League, the students want to do away with the 1972 Constitution which they have termed as a ‘Mujibbadi Constitution’. They insist on a referendum on the July Charter and a new Constitution. The NCP has called for the implementation of reforms before the election. Nahid Islam, convener of the NCP, have of late become critical of the advisers and have said that most of them are aligned with political parties and are looking for a safe exit once the election is over. It appears that Bangladesh politics has come a full circle as anti-terrorism law is used for arbitrary arrests to silence dissent, and mob violence is condoned as ‘acts by pressure groups’ and ‘outburst of public anger’. Interestingly, the NCP, along with four left political parties have refused to sign the ‘July Charter’ that recommends state reforms, while Mr. Yunus described the Charter as a harbinger of ‘New Bangladesh’. Meanwhile, 24 other political parties have signed the Charter. While the students played a significant role in the uprising, it may not be easy to turn their success into political capital and win elections. Nevertheless, the student uprising will remain an important historic milestone in Bangladesh’s political journey.

Smruti S. Pattanaik is a Research Fellow (SS) at Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses

Bangladesh police personnel stand guard outside the Election Commission’s office in Dhaka on December 11, 2025.
| Photo Credit: AFP

Odhikar, one of the South Asian nation’s largest human rights organisations, demanded justice from the interim government that took over after the student-led revolution that toppled former prime minister Sheikh Hasina.
| Photo Credit: Reuters

At least a dozen people died in detention in Bangladesh since last year’s revolution, including by torture and gunshot wounds, a rights group said Wednesday (February 12, 2025).

Odhikar, one of the South Asian nation’s largest human rights organisations, demanded justice from the interim government that took over after the student-led revolution that toppled former prime minister Sheikh Hasina.

Also read | Stability hangs in balance in Bangladesh as mob violence rises under the interim govt.

“The interim government should not let these crimes go unpunished,” Odhikar director ASM Nasiruddin Elan told AFP. “Those involved in extrajudicial killings must be brought to justice.”

Odhikar detailed in a report how security forces during Ms. Hasina’s 15-year-long autocratic rule engaged in widespread killings to bolster her power — and accused the same agencies of continuing to commit human rights violations since she fled.

Ms. Hasina escaped into exile to neighbouring India on August 5, capping an uprising in which the United Nations says more than 1,400 people could have been killed, and has since defied an arrest warrant to face trial for crimes against humanity.

Since she left, Bangladeshi security forces have carried out sweeping arrests against supporters of Ms. Hasina’s Awami League party and loyalists of what they dub her “fascist” ex-government.

Odhikar detailed 12 deaths that took place between August 9 and December 31, 2024.

Bangladesh’s security forces are “investigating all the cases”, Sami-Ud-Dowla Chowdhury, the armed forces’ public relations director, told AFP.

‘Right to justice’

“Even the friends of the fascist regime have a right to justice,” Elan said. “Extrajudicial killings must be prevented at any cost”.

Three of them were in police custody, and the others were under the control of other security units, including the armed forces and much-feared paramilitary Rapid Action Battalion (RAB).

At least seven victims died after torture, and four had gunshot wounds, according to Odhikar.

Another person was beaten and later pushed off a bridge by the police, it added.

Among the cases was the death of 18-year-old Elahi Sikdar from the city of Gopalganj, who was arrested for allegedly attacking soldiers. His injured corpse was later recovered from a hospital.

His brother Kudrat Sikdar said that, like many families of the dead, they would not be filing a case.

“We have accepted his death as destiny,” Kudrat Sikdar said.

In response to the report, Bangladesh police spokesperson Inamul Haque Sagar told AFP that officers had been ordered to “refrain from activities beyond their jurisdiction”.

The armed forces were granted judicial powers enforcement activities like the police — including making arrests — after the revolution.

Army chief Waker-Uz-Zaman said he worried about that role being extended.

“The more our people stay in the field, the more there is the fear that they will face unlawful activities,” he told the Prothom Alo newspaper.

Students from anti-discrimination movements and Bangladesh Nationalist Party activists attack an Awami League supporter in Dhaka, Bangladesh recently. File photo
| Photo Credit: AP

Bangladesh’s Chief Election Commissioner AMM Nasir Uddin has said that ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League may participate in elections unless the government or the judiciary issues a ban against the party.

Also read:Yunus consults political parties on India-Bangladesh relation, excludes Awami League and allies

The chief election commissioner (CEC) said this during a meeting with election officials at the Chittagong Circuit House on Monday, The Dhaka Tribune newspaper reported.

Mr. Nasir Uddin also assured that the Election Commission runs with complete independence and faces no external pressure.

“We are committed to taking all necessary steps to ensure a fair and transparent election,” he added.

The CEC also acknowledged the issue of fake voters in previous elections and attributed a decline in voter registration to mistrust in the voting process. He announced plans to initiate a voter list update soon to address these concerns.

“The voter list will be updated within the next six months. This time, elections will not follow previous patterns. Since August 5, there has been significant progress in fostering national consensus on electoral matters,” he added.

During the meeting, the CEC provided detailed guidelines on voter list updates and preparations for the upcoming national election.

A few days ago, former prime minister Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party said that Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus’ suggestion to set the minimum voting age at 17 would put pressure on the Election Commission and could delay the election process.

Mr. Yunus, 84, who was sworn-in to lead the interim government after the ouster of former prime minister Sheikh Hasina in August, had suggested that the minimum voter age should be lowered to 17 years.

During his Victory Day speech on December 16, Yunus indicated that elections might be held by early 2026.

“Broadly speaking, the election can be scheduled between the end of 2025 and the first half of 2026,” he said.

Mr. Yunus said that the elections would be held after updating the voters’ list.

A view of the Rooppur nuclear powerplant in Bangladesh. File photo

Russian nuclear major Rosatom on Tuesday (December 24, 2024) said the Bangladesh anti-graft commission’s remarks are “an attempt to discredit” the Rooppur nuclear power project. In a statement issued to the media, Rosatom reiterated that the $2.65 billion Rooppur project is transparent and that it is ready to defend the case in a court of law.

“Rosatom is committed to a policy of openness and the principle of combating corruption in all its projects and maintains a transparent procurement system. External audits regularly confirm the openness of the business processes of the project. Rosatom State Corporation is ready to defend its interests and reputation in court,” Rosatom said in a statement sent to The Hindu.

The statement from Rosatom came a day after the Anti-Corruption Commission of Bangladesh came out with a statement alleging that deposed Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her family members including her niece the UK MP Tulip Siddiq laundered around $900 million to offshore outfits in Malaysia. The commission cited an internal investigative report and stated that it has discovered around $5 billion “irregularities” in the Rooppur nuclear power project that has been under the works since 2011.

Rosatom described the anti-corruption outfit of Bangladesh as “provocative” and said, “We consider false statements in the media as an attempt to discredit the Rooppur NPP project, which is being implemented to solve the country’s energy supply problems and is aimed at improving the well-being of the people of Bangladesh.”

The Hindu had reported earlier, that Tulip Siddiq who is a Labour MP in the United Kingdom and has been facing scrutiny in the UK since the fall of the government of her aunt Sheikh Hasina, was involved in an elaborate scheme to launder money that involved her paternal uncle Tarique Ahmed Siddique. Tulip Siddiq and her family members are stakeholders in a company named Prochchaya which along with another entity Destinty Group had laundered $900 million, the Anti-Corruption Commission in Bangladesh had alleged.

As dawn approached on Saturday morning of July 20, 2024 a disturbing scene unfolded in Monsur Nagar Housing Estate in Savar upazila, on the outskirts of Dhaka. Some eight to 10 plainclothes men identifying themselves as being from the detective branch (DB) of Bangladesh Police, surrounded the home of Abul Khair, a 70-year-old, who had fought in the 1971 war for freedom. The officers, armed and aggressive, began shouting and demanded that Khair open the gate, threatening to break it down if he did not. Soon, they forcefully entered, seized the family’s phones and detained Khair’s two sons, Arif Sohel, 27, and Mohammad Ali Jowel.

While Jowel was released, Sohel went missing for the next 36 hours. No police station the family approached denied his detention; nor did they show his arrest, says the family. He was allegedly beaten up and not given food. For this brief spell, the family says Sohel was another victim of ‘enforced disappearance’, a common tactic the people of Bangladesh say the former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government used, to suppress dissent. Then, he was officially shown as arrested and placed on a seven-day remand in a case his family says is fabricated. Sohel’s father says, “The behavior of the law enforcement agencies was similar to that of the Pakistani military during the Liberation War.”

Sohel is a student and convener of the Jahangir Nagar University of Students Against Discrimination movement that swept the country from July 1. The students were protesting the June 5 Dhaka Supreme Court ruling to reinstate a 30% government job quota for descendants of 1971 independence war veterans (the quota had been withdrawn in 2018).

Student unrest

Like many other movements across the world, including India’s Mandal Commission and China’s Tiananmen square, students across Bangladesh took to the streets in the thousands. They demanded the abolition of the quota and the establishment of a merit-based system instead. Underlying the anti-quota protests though, was the fear that members of the Awami League, the political party that led Bangladesh’s independence movement against Pakistan, would benefit.

The student protests were met with a brutal reaction from the government. Citizens went through raids, in which thousands of students, opposition leaders, and others were arrested for their alleged involvement in the Students Against Discrimination movement. A curfew was imposed on the midnight of July 19. Images of the army and police firing on students came out of the country, with India saying this was Bangladesh’s “internal matter”, the same way that Hasina’s government had described India’s Citizenship Amendment Act in 2022. In fact, Hasina was the first state guest to visit India after the Bharatiya Janata Party government came to power for a third term this year.

When violence broke out, about 300 Indian students who had been pursuing MBBS degrees, returned home. The internet was cut, and it was difficult to reach friends and relatives. So far, 439 people have died in the violence, as per Prothom Alo, a leading newspaper in Bangladesh.

Under pressure from students, the Supreme Court scaled back the quota on July 21 to 5%, with an additional 2% for ethnic minorities. Sifat Hasan Sakib, one of the organisers from Dhaka’s government-run Jagannath University, says, “We fought against discrimination, and students won the fight, even at the cost of lives. We want a peaceful environment on university campuses, which has been absent for a long time due to the student wing of the Awami League, Bangladesh Chhatra League. Regular students’ union elections can play a crucial role in protecting the rights of students.”

Students say the Bangladesh Chhatra League dominates student life on campus, doling out privileges only to its members, and capturing posts that no other student organisation was allowed to hold. Abdullah Al Mamun, a recent graduate from the English Department of Dhaka College, expressed his frustration, saying, “There was no alternative but to take to the streets in protest…. Sheikh Hasina would often boast about economic development, but at the same time, she allowed Chhatra League to dismantle the education system in Bangladesh.”

He says the integrity of job examinations was severely compromised. “It was common for exam paper leaks. Moreover, the viva boards were biased, often favoring candidates affiliated with Chhatra League. This left general students with little hope of securing a job. The system was rigged against us.”

Bangladesh’s tipping point

Similar to how the 1857 uprising was sparked by a long history of disenchantment with British oppression, the students’ movement emerged from deep-seated political and social angst against authoritarianism and human rights violations. Thousands joined from across the country, and it was so strong it compelled Hasina to resign in the presence of the three service chiefs and flee the country, on August 5, 2024. The former Prime Minister, elected for the fifth time in January 2024, arrived in India and continues to be there, her future plans uncertain.

When she left her official residence, Ganabhaban, the public stormed its lavish premises. The world saw images of people making off with suitcases and deep freezers, but also goats, fish, and a German Shepherd pup. Statues of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Hasina’s father, considered the founding father of Bangladesh, were vandalised, the video going viral.

The army chief, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, called for peace, and on August 6, 2024 it was announced that Muhammad Yunus, the 84-year-old pioneer of microfinance who won the Nobel prize in 2006, would lead an interim government, with 16 advisers, including two student representatives. The Hasina government had filed over 200 cases against the Grameen Bank founder, for corruption.

It wasn’t just student politics that brought the Hasina government down. According to Bangladeshi human rights organisations, security forces have committed over 600 enforced disappearances since 2009. While some people were later released, produced in court, or said to have died during an armed exchange with security forces, nearly 100 people remain missing, they say.

These actions angered people. For instance, Brigadier General (suspended) Abdullahil Amaan Azmi was released from the detention centre known as Aynaghar (House of Mirrors), after eight years of captivity in the early hours of August 6. Azmi is the son of late Ghulam Azam, the former ameer (chief) of the Jamaat-e-Islami, a religion-based political party that was started in 1941 and has its roots in present-day Pakistan. He was allegedly forcibly picked up from his residence on August 23, 2016, and had since been missing. The Hasina government had repeatedly denied the existence of Aynaghar and 23 other detention camps, where political opponents were allegedly kept.

The Hasina government had, on August 1, 2024, banned the Jamaat-e-Islami, saying it was a threat to public security. The Jamaat is a key ally of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), who was then in jail on charges of corruption, but now released. “They (Jamaat and BNP) just used the students as their shield,” Hasina had said, when Italian Ambassador Antonio Alessandro called on her, news agency PTI reported.

The Jamaat’s central executive committee member and the party’s media and publicity secretary, Matiur Rahman Akanda, calls the 2024 election a “dummy election”.

After the fall of the Hasina regime, families of political prisoners secretly jailed under her rule have gathered in front of Director General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) headquarters. Sanjida Islam Tulee, co-founder of Mayer Dak, an organization of the families of the victims of ‘enforced disappearances’, says, “We have learnt from recently released former army officer Brigadier General Abdullahil Aman Azmi that there are many others in that Aynaghor. We went to the DGFI office to find out who is detained there and to talk about the issue.” They demand that the prisoners be released together instead of separately.

Media strangulation

The Bangladeshi media have often accused the government of stifling freedom of speech and assembly. According to a research paper by the Centre for Governance Studies (CGS), at least 451 journalists were sued under the Digital Security Act (DSA) since its inception and 255 of them were sued for their journalistic reports. Among the accused, 209 journalists are associated with national-level Bangladesh media and 197 with regional media outlets. The CGS found that at least 4,520 people have been charged in 1,436 cases filed between October 2018 and September 2023.

Raihan Hossain, a journalist from Jago News, an online news outlet in Bangladesh, says journalists in Bangladesh have faced huge challenges, particularly when reporting on sensitive issues like the extra-judicial killings, enforced disappearances, and the corruptions.

He says, “Journalists who dared to investigate and report on these issues often faced severe threats. The powers-that-be would go to great lengths to silence us, using intimidation and fear to prevent any negative coverage. It was a constant battle, and many of us were put in positions where our safety was at risk simply for trying to do our jobs.”

He adds that the situation was further complicated by the government’s blatant ‘favouritism’ for certain media outlets. “Newspapers that aligned with the government’s agenda were granted numerous facilities and privileges, while those that attempted to maintain journalistic integrity were often deprived of essential resources. This made it increasingly difficult for independent journalism to thrive, as the government’s influence over the media landscape created an environment where only the voices that supported the official narrative could prosper.”

A rise in minority violence

After Hasina’s fall, there has also been a rise in violence against the Hindu minority. According to Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council (BHBCUC), 200-300 Hindu homes and businesses were vandalized, and 15-20 temples were damaged. Many have been injured.

Rana Dasgupta, the general secretary of the BHBCUC Oikya Parishad says, “Some of those whose homes were attacked may be directly involved in Awami League politics, but 98% are Hindus not involved in political activity.” He hopes the interim government will restore stability and protect minorities. Student and Jamaat leaders have put out statements asking supporters to guard temples and churches as diplomats and rights groups expressed concerns over reports of attacks on minority groups.

Monzurul Islam, president of the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir, the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, says they do not consider any group a minority or majority in the country: “Everyone is equal,” he says, despite the group’s belief that the reason for Hasina’s political dominance in the country was India. Hindus, who form 8% of the population of over 17 crore, were traditionally Awami League supporters.

Photographer and human rights activist Shahidul Alam says, “India is effectively Bangladesh’s only neighbour. It is also a major trade partner. It makes no sense for Bangladesh not to have a cordial relationship with India.” He hopes though that a future relationship will be based on equality, rather than that of a ‘big brother’.

Bangladeshi Army officers stand guard at the Bangladesh Secretariat in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on August 7, 2024.
| Photo Credit: PTI

Several residents across Bangladesh spent a sleepless night as they gathered in groups to guard the streets amid fears of robbery and looting by criminals in the violence-hit country, where an interim government headed by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus is all set to take oath on Thursday (August 8, 2024).

Also read: BSF stops entry of 120 people from Bangladesh

Security concerns have gripped the country since Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s ouster on Monday as police observed a work abstention, citing fears for their safety amid reports of deadly attacks on security personnel.

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The Yunus-led interim government – appointed by President Mohammed Shahabuddin who had dissolved the parliament – is set to take oath in the evening after weeks of tumultuous student protests that forced Hasina to resign and flee the country.

The chaos and fear created by the deadly protests remained. Gangs of criminals have been looting and robbing homes in the absence of law enforcers over the last two days.

Many residents spent a sleepless night on Wednesday amid fears of robbery and looting. From one end of Dhaka to another, particularly Uttara to Mohammadpur, people were concerned about their safety.

Facebook users were posting in different groups and streaming live. Residents in many areas, including in Uttara and Mohammadpur, formed neighbourhood watch groups to stand guard, bdnews24.com news portal reported.

Nazvi Islam, a part-time teacher at Dhaka University and resident of Mohammadpur’s Bosila, said that robbers had terrorised the area on Tuesday night. Mosques were regularly making announcements, asking everyone to remain on alert.

On Wednesday night, residents gathered in groups to guard the streets with sticks and bats. Hundreds of students from the local madrasa also came to guard the area. After standing watch all night, they returned home in the morning. The students divided themselves into small groups and guarded the government buildings and public properties.

Zakirul Islam, a resident of Chanmia Housing in Mohammadpur, said guards were posted at the gates to the housing area on Wednesday night, but residents still could not sleep due to fear.

Abir Hossain, a resident of Mirpur-14, where many government officials live, says that everyone panicked when news spread that robbers had entered their housing complex.

“Last night, a group of people carrying local weapons came and attacked a neighbouring house. They forcefully opened the main gate and looted cash and jewellery,” The Daily Star newspaper quoted a resident of the Naboday Housing area as saying.

Many Facebook users posted or live-streamed videos of robbers attacking a building in the ECB Chattar area adjacent to the Mirpur cantonment. Sounds of Army patron sirens could be heard in the videos.

People posted on Facebook about the attacks and robberies throughout the night. Many have questioned where so many robbers had sprung up from.

Most ATMs were out of cash and even many bank branches were running low on cash as the money supply had been disrupted due to inadequate security, The Daily Star reported, citing bankers.

“Overall, I visited almost 10 booths but failed to withdraw a single penny. Either they had run out of money or restricted the use of ATM cards issued by other banks,” Nasir Hossain, a resident of the capital’s Dhanmondi area, was quoted as saying by the paper.

Managing Director of Pubali Bank Mohammad Ali said although there is no cash crisis in the banking sector, they have been unable to deliver money to booths and branches as security companies that transport money have halted services.

“The security agencies that carry our cash told us that they will not provide services in the current situation,” he said.

Hence, banks are struggling to supply money, especially to remote branches and booths, he added.

Meanwhile, political parties in the country discussed the structure of the interim Cabinet.

The anti-discrimination student movement has reportedly prepared a list of 15 names in the interim government. The list will be finalised after discussions with Yunus after he returns home on Thursday. According to multiple sources in the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, the leaders of the student movement met BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir yesterday and discussed the list.

The anti-discrimination student movement has formed a liaison committee to discuss the list with various parties.