Nepal Prime Minister Balendra Shah’s first month in office has been marked by speed, with concerns rising over a democratic stress test.

Mr. Shah’s Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) won a whopping 182 seats — just two shy of a two-thirds majority — in the March elections, triggered by last September’s Gen Z protests. Analysts and observers say the Shah government is trying to rule by ordinances, bypassing legislative debate, even as it moved to evict landless squatters, with security forces razing houses and other structures along the riverbanks in the Kathmandu Valley.

Mr. Shah, 35, was sworn in as Prime Minister on March 27, 2026, days after the RSP’s unprecedented victory. Despite a comfortable majority in Parliament, the government pushed through ordinance after ordinance instead of immediately convening a parliamentary session.

Nepal’s Constitution requires the government to recommend ordinances to the President, who, as the constitutional head of state, must issue them.

The ordinance push coincided with mounting pushback over the government’s clearance of “illegal” settlements, leaving many without homes and children without schools, as some school buildings were also demolished.

Demolition drive

On April 23, 2026, Mr. Shah instructed security agencies to remove “illegal” settlements along Kathmandu’s riverbanks. Criticism came as swiftly as the action.

Analysts say the concern is more about the process than the intent.

“The action bordered on cruelty. The squatters’ issue, which has been pending for years, needed to be addressed, but it could have been handled in a more managed manner,” said Dambar Khatiwada, political commentator and writer. “Such hasty moves were bound to face reproach.”

Responses, however, were mixed, rooted in both humanitarian concerns and political prejudice.

“Political parties that were routed in the last elections harbour some dislike for the RSP, so Mr. Shah’s moves met with fierce Opposition,” said Mr. Khatiwada. “From a general perspective, voices raised against what was akin to a demolition drive were justified.”

Over 3,000 familes now homeless

Within days, more than 3,000 families, rendered homeless, had registered for shelter at temporary holding centres.

The RSP won on an anti-incumbency platform, campaigning against Nepal’s three main parties — the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Centre) — accusing them of perpetuating corruption and patronage politics. While the merit of these allegations may be debatable, analysts note that previous governments failed to address the squatter issue. Government lands, especially along riverbanks, were increasingly encroached upon — not just by the landless, but also by those connected to traditional parties.

While a similar drive to clear illegal settlements in 2013 did not spark street protests, civil society members criticised this government’s actions as inhumane. As many as 28 prominent civil society members said in a statement on May 4, 2026 they “are alarmed that the government is repeatedly moving toward violations of the Constitution and restrictions on civil liberties.”

In response to these concerns, Mr. Shah, who has not made a public appearance since taking office, turned to his preferred communication channel — social media.

“The government’s attention has been drawn to various public comments and interpretations regarding the management processes it has initiated, in accordance with the law, in areas along the rivers of the Kathmandu Valley and government-owned land where unauthorised encroachments have been identified,” he wrote on social media platform X on May 4, 2026. “The information received indicates attempts to create fear and raise doubts among landless and informally settled citizens, suggesting that they might be evicted due to these processes,” he said.

He added that “certain provisions of the Land Act 2021, which had been obstacles to the implementation of long-term solutions, have been repealed through an ordinance, considering the current situation.”

Executive moves

The ordinance mentioned by Mr. Shah is one of eight that the government recommended in the past few days. While ordinances are constitutionally permitted, the Opposition focused on two points: the RSP’s comfortable majority, and the government’s decision to call and then immediately withdraw a parliamentary session before sending ordinances to the President.

Some ordinances were issued swiftly by President Ramchandra Paudel, while one related to the Constitutional Council was initially held and sent back for reconsideration. The government insisted, and the President ultimately issued the ordinance, paving the way for appointments in 18 constitutional bodies.

Civil society members said that attempts to govern through ordinances, bypassing Parliament, indicate that the government is moving toward authoritarianism.

“Postponing a parliamentary session it had called to bring in ordinances constitutes a disregard for constitutionalism and the parliamentary system,” they said.

“By choosing the path of ordinances instead of presenting Bills in Parliament and making laws through sufficient debate and discussion, the party that won nearly a two-thirds majority undermines both the mandate it received and the practice of parliamentary procedure,” the added.

The Constitutional Council ordinance nearly triggered a full-blown tussle between the executive and the President, a ceremonial institution envisioned by Nepal’s Constitution. Even Mr. Poudel faced criticism for sending it back, as the Constitution does not explicitly allow the high office to do so. The conflict was averted once the ordinance was issued, and the Shah government then on Tuesday (May 5, 2026) called a parliamentary session for May 11, 2026.

Analysts note that the RSP came to power promising change, and it is under pressure to deliver.

“This is too early to pass strong judgment on this government. Some of its moves may look hasty, but overall the intent seems to be right,” said Lokraj Baral, a professor of political science at Tribhuvan University. “As far as criticism over dismantling structures along the riversides is concerned, it goes without saying that it could have been done differently.”

Published – May 08, 2026 01:15 am IST

Supporters of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) gather outside the Election Commission ahead of the announcement of results in the Nepal general elections, in Kathmandu, Nepal, on March 6, 2026.
| Photo Credit: PTI

“The beauty of democracy is people’s participation. I would like to urge all voters to reach their polling booths and cast their ballots,” wrote Nepal Prime Minister Sushila Karki on Thursday (March 5, 2026) morning on X, as polling began across the country in what she called “a defining moment” for Nepal.

Read | Nepal elections 2026 LIVE: Voting closes; nearly 40% turnout recorded as of 3 p.m.

Earlier, Ms. Karki cast her vote in Dhapasi, Kathmandu, and thanked election officers and security personnel for conducting the first election since last September’s ‘Gen Z protests’, which claimed 77 lives. On September 8, 2025, the first day of the protests, police firing killed 19 young protesters.

The election is expected to restore constitutional order and bring the democratic process back on track. Though it will take time for the results to come in, a majority for any single party is unlikely. Many fear Nepal could return to the familiar cycle of coalition governments, which may stall efforts to meet the protesters’ demands for an end to corruption, clean governance, and accountability.

As Nepalis wait for the results, political calculations have begun. 

Post-poll scenario

The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) is seen as the frontrunner but is unlikely to reach the 138-seat threshold in the 275-member House of Representatives needed to form a majority government. The nearest contender could be the Nepali Congress (NC), Nepal’s grand old party in power since 1990. If the RSP’s momentum falters, the balance could shift.

The Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), led by K.P. Sharma Oli, is expected to lose ground. Mr. Oli, 74, was Prime Minister during the protests.

The Nepali Communist Party, a coalition of fringe Left groups formed by Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal after the protests, is projected to have a modest showing.

Since psephology is not practised in Nepal and pre-poll surveys are prohibited by the Election Commission, predicting outcomes is difficult. Government formation in the coming days, however, is going to be tricky.

If the RSP emerges as the single largest party, senior leader Balendra Shah, a former Kathmandu mayor and a hugely popular but polarising figure, is slated to become Prime Minister. But whose support will he rely on?

The NC, likely to finish second, may not be keen to form a coalition with the RSP. Such a partnership — where the largest and second-largest parties govern together — has already been tried, with underwhelming outcomes. In July 2024, the NC, which was the largest party in the dissolved House, had joined hands with Mr. Oli’s UML, then the second-largest party. That government fell in September.

Will the RSP turn to Mr. Oli’s UML and will he agree? Mr. Shah’s leadership will mark a personal and unceremonious defeat. The tensions still remain as the RSP leader had called Mr. Oli a “murderer” after the protests.

Alternatively, could the RSP seek support from Mr. Dahal? The 71-year-old former Maoist leader was often the kingmaker in Nepali politics. Despite his party finishing third in the 2022 elections with just 32 seats, he managed to lead the government until July 2024 by switching sides between the UML and NC. Mr. Dahal would boast that he had the “magic number” and the ability to make or break governments, keeping both larger parties on edge. With his party’s poll prospects now weak, whether his support alone could help the RSP form a government remains unclear, meaning smaller parties may also need to be roped in.

If the RSP fails to form a government, the NC may have to step in. Would the NC then partner with the UML? An NC-UML coalition would essentially recreate the government that fell in September, albeit with NC’s newly elected president Gagan Thapa at the helm. Regardless of Mr. Oli’s personal outcome, UML is expected to remain under his influence, limiting Mr. Thapa’s ability to deliver reforms.

Mr. Thapa himself may not be enthusiastic about having Mr. Oli as his alliance partner, aware that such a coalition could hurt more than help. Would he instead turn to Mr. Dahal, known more as a source of instability than a stabilising force in Nepali politics?

Ground reports indicate that Mr. Oli, who previously won with one of the largest margins, faces stiff competition from Mr. Shah. If neither the RSP nor NC succeed in forming a coalition, will the UML step forward to lead? Could Mr. Oli and Mr. Dahal join forces again?

If they do, with support from smaller parties, the duo — representing Nepal’s ageing political elite and a history of patronage-driven governance — could return to power.

The question remains: what real change, the rallying cry of the youth movement, will Nepal see then? Will “the defining moment” elude the Nepalis again?

Published – March 05, 2026 05:05 pm IST

“I could either ring the bell or light the bulb,” says Kumar Tamang, referring to the election symbols of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and the Ujyalo Nepal Party (UNP).

Mr. Tamang, 44, operates a drinking water tanker in Lalitpur on the outskirts of Kathmandu. A migrant from Ramechhap district, around a five-hour drive east of Kathmandu, he voted in the past for one of Nepal’s established parties — either the Nepali Congress or the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist), (UML). This time, he says, he is inclined to switch.

“I want to try something different,” he says, reflecting a sentiment increasingly visible among urban, younger, and working-class voters in the run-up to the March 5 general election. Mr. Tamang’s indecision mirrors a larger trend: voters weighing new parties against traditional ones, even as Nepal faces a deeply fragmented parliamentary landscape.

The election comes months after youth-led protests toppled the government led by CPN-UML’s K.P. Sharma Oli, which had been backed by the Nepali Congress. An interim government led by Sushila Karki took office on September 12 and dissolved the House of Representatives, calling for new polls.

More than 60 parties and over 3,000 candidates are in the fray for the 275-member House of Representatives, which is composed of 165 directly elected members and 110 elected under the proportional representation system. With no party expected to secure a clear majority — 138 seats — coalition governments, already fragile in Nepal’s recent history, may face renewed instability, making post-poll negotiations decisive for governance.

Hari Giri, 25, a restaurant server in Kathmandu, does not plan to travel to his home district of Darchula in the far west to vote. “It takes about three days by the time I reach home,” he says. “Anyway, I am not hopeful of any parties — new or old.”

Internal migration

Internal migration has long complicated electoral participation, particularly in rural constituencies where absentee urban voters must return to cast ballots.

Nar Bahadur Shrestha, a shop owner in Lalitpur, is contemplating splitting his vote, backing an established party candidate under first-past-the-post and choosing a newer formation — either the RSP or UNP — under proportional representation.

The RSP, which emerged as the fourth-largest force in the 2022 election, has campaigned on governance reform and anti-corruption measures. It has consolidated support among urban and younger voters dissatisfied with traditional parties.

The UNP was formed in December by technocrat-turned-politician Kulman Ghising, widely credited for reducing chronic power cuts during his tenure at the Nepal Electricity Authority. Mr. Ghising has named his party “Ujyalo” — meaning “bright” — and adopted a light bulb as its election symbol. Both parties have framed the election as an opportunity to reset political culture.

Converting protest energy into parliamentary strength, however, remains uncertain in Nepal’s competitive multi-party system where established parties like the Congress and the UML retain organisational structures and depth.

Leadership projection has become a central feature of this campaign. Unlike previous elections, parties have openly projected prime ministerial faces, despite the parliamentary system not requiring pre-declared candidates.

The Nepali Congress, Nepal’s oldest party, is foregrounding 49-year-old Gagan Thapa, who took charge earlier this year, projecting generational renewal while emphasising continuity through a Congress 2.0 rebranding. The CPN-UML is rallying behind its chairman, Mr. Oli, 74, a three-time Prime Minister.

Adding to the leadership-focused narrative, Balendra Shah, the former mayor of Kathmandu, has entered the fray on the RSP ticket in Jhapa-5, Mr. Oli’s long-held constituency. Mr. Shah has positioned himself as an anti-establishment challenger expanding his appeal beyond municipal politics.

Each represents a distinct governing philosophy. Mr. Shah projects velocity and disruption; Mr. Thapa emphasises process and institutional reform; Mr. Oli is associated with power consolidation and strong central authority. Each approach, however, carries potential risks. Rapid disruption could strain democratic norms; process-heavy reform could slow urgent decision-making; concentrated authority could test constitutional limits.

For voters such as Mr. Tamang, the calculation is simpler: “If the person or party I vote for does not win, I don’t mind,” he says. “I just want to make my own contribution to blocking the old ones.”

Mr. Giri, the restaurant worker, remains sceptical. Younger than Nepal’s post-1990 democratic transition, he sees little tangible change in his own life — including the fact that it still takes him three days to reach home to vote.

Published – March 02, 2026 10:35 pm IST

Border Security Measures at Panitanki near the Indo-Nepal border in the Darjeeling district. File
| Photo Credit: PTI

Political parties in Nepal have launched campaigns for the March 5 parliamentary elections, necessitated by last September’s Gen Z protests.

The Nepali Congress, the country’s oldest party, kicked off its campaign rally from Janakpur in Madhesh, a province bordering India, on February 18, as it seeks to reclaim its clout in the region. The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), a relatively new force in Nepal that rose from the 2022 elections, organised its election gathering in Dhangadhi, a city in Nepal’s far-western region.

Various other parties have scheduled their programmes, with the vote just two weeks away.

The coming elections are seen as a litmus test for Nepal’s traditional parties, which have drawn scorn from various quarters for their failures, despite ruling the country for the last three decades. Change is the common refrain among voters, but there is little clarity as to what exactly that means, except for one apparent issue that stands out — there is palpable frustration with the old parties.

Also Read | With Nepal’s largest party divided ahead of polls, EC decides on legitimacy dispute

Tanka Lama, from Ramechhap, a district around 150 km east of Kathmandu, says it’s time Nepalis voted for a party other than the Nepali Congress or the Communist Party of Nepal-UML. “I had plans to vote for the RSP, but since Balendra Shah has joined the party as its PM candidate, I have changed my mind,” said Mr. Lama, 25, who drives a taxi in Kathmandu. “I will probably vote for Ujyalo [Nepal Party].”

The RSP was formed just six months before the 2022 elections by former TV host Rabi Lamichhane. Riding on the wave of widespread discontent against Nepal’s traditional parties, it emerged as the fourth-largest force. Mr. Lamichhane is a controversial figure, facing charges of embezzling cooperative funds, while Mr. Shah, who resigned as Kathmandu’s mayor, remains a Marmite figure.

Bet on the bell

Nityanand, an analyst based in Janakpur, says voters do not seem to care much about Mr. Lamichhane or Mr. Shah; the wave is such that everyone says “ghanti,” or the bell, the election symbol of the RSP. “The RSP wave is unprecedented. It’s a different matter whether the street emotions will materialise into actual votes,” he said.

Apart from the RSP, other new forces are also emerging. The Ujyalo Nepal Party came into being only recently, launched by Kulmang Ghising, a former technocrat credited with ending Nepal’s hours-long power outages.

As many as 68 parties are contesting the March 5 polls, with more than 3,000 candidates running for the 275-member House of Representatives. In Nepal, 165 members are elected under the directly elected first-past-the-post system, while 110 are elected under the proportional representation (PR) system. This mixed system makes it extremely difficult for any party to secure a majority.

The question many are asking this time is who will emerge as the biggest party. Though the street wave leans towards the RSP, it is a force with a weaker organisational structure compared to parties like the Nepali Congress or the CPN-UML. The Maoist party, led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who led the 10-year-long insurgency from 1996 to 2006, has now transformed into the Nepali Communist Party. Mr. Dahal, a two-time Prime Minister, has moved to Rukum — a Maoist stronghold during the insurgency — in search of a safe constituency, an indication of how the party’s appeal has waned over the years.

Until 2022, Nepal’s electoral trend showed little to no swing votes, with the Congress and the UML usually standing out. In 2008, the Maoist party, which had just emerged from the war, stunned many as it became the single largest party. But in elections after the 2015 constitution, the Congress and the UML have led. That pattern was disrupted in 2022 with the emergence of the RSP.

When the Gen Z protests happened in September 2025, which left 77 dead, the UML’s K.P. Sharma Oli was the Prime Minister with the backing of the Congress. Dissatisfaction with these parties had already been simmering, as the protests called for an end to a status quo entrenched by the old guard that many believed was promoting corruption and mis-governance. Many also hold the two parties responsible for the protest deaths.

Mr. Oli resigned on September 9. President Ram Chandra Poudel, on September 12, formed an interim government led by Sushila Karki, a former Chief Justice. The interim administration dissolved the House and called elections for March 5.

As many as 19 million people, out of Nepal’s 30 million population, are eligible to vote, with around one million voters — mostly youth — added to the rolls after the protests.

Mr. Lama, the taxi driver, says voting out old parties does not necessarily mean everything will change and improve in the country, but since the Gen Z protests demanded change, the country must see a shift. “I know even if the RSP wins, it cannot form a government alone,” he said. “But the point is we have already seen other parties, let’s give a new party a chance.”

Published – February 21, 2026 11:55 pm IST

Nepal’s President Ramchandra Paudel, along with Vice-President of Nepal Ram Sahaya Prasad Yadav and interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki, poses for a picture with newly appointed Finance Minister Rameshore Khanal, Energy Minister Kulman Ghising, and Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal.
| Photo Credit: Reuters

Balendra Shah, currently serving as the mayor of Kathmandu, has been nominated as the prime ministerial candidate for Nepal.
| Photo Credit: REUTERS

A girl looks towards her mother in Lalitpur, Nepal, on November 10, 2025, as she waits to give her biometric information to register on the voters‘ list for the upcoming House of Representatives elections scheduled for March 5, 2026.
| Photo Credit: Reuters