“I could either ring the bell or light the bulb,” says Kumar Tamang, referring to the election symbols of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and the Ujyalo Nepal Party (UNP).
Mr. Tamang, 44, operates a drinking water tanker in Lalitpur on the outskirts of Kathmandu. A migrant from Ramechhap district, around a five-hour drive east of Kathmandu, he voted in the past for one of Nepal’s established parties — either the Nepali Congress or the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist), (UML). This time, he says, he is inclined to switch.
“I want to try something different,” he says, reflecting a sentiment increasingly visible among urban, younger, and working-class voters in the run-up to the March 5 general election. Mr. Tamang’s indecision mirrors a larger trend: voters weighing new parties against traditional ones, even as Nepal faces a deeply fragmented parliamentary landscape.
The election comes months after youth-led protests toppled the government led by CPN-UML’s K.P. Sharma Oli, which had been backed by the Nepali Congress. An interim government led by Sushila Karki took office on September 12 and dissolved the House of Representatives, calling for new polls.
More than 60 parties and over 3,000 candidates are in the fray for the 275-member House of Representatives, which is composed of 165 directly elected members and 110 elected under the proportional representation system. With no party expected to secure a clear majority — 138 seats — coalition governments, already fragile in Nepal’s recent history, may face renewed instability, making post-poll negotiations decisive for governance.
Hari Giri, 25, a restaurant server in Kathmandu, does not plan to travel to his home district of Darchula in the far west to vote. “It takes about three days by the time I reach home,” he says. “Anyway, I am not hopeful of any parties — new or old.”
Internal migration
Internal migration has long complicated electoral participation, particularly in rural constituencies where absentee urban voters must return to cast ballots.
Nar Bahadur Shrestha, a shop owner in Lalitpur, is contemplating splitting his vote, backing an established party candidate under first-past-the-post and choosing a newer formation — either the RSP or UNP — under proportional representation.
The RSP, which emerged as the fourth-largest force in the 2022 election, has campaigned on governance reform and anti-corruption measures. It has consolidated support among urban and younger voters dissatisfied with traditional parties.
The UNP was formed in December by technocrat-turned-politician Kulman Ghising, widely credited for reducing chronic power cuts during his tenure at the Nepal Electricity Authority. Mr. Ghising has named his party “Ujyalo” — meaning “bright” — and adopted a light bulb as its election symbol. Both parties have framed the election as an opportunity to reset political culture.
Converting protest energy into parliamentary strength, however, remains uncertain in Nepal’s competitive multi-party system where established parties like the Congress and the UML retain organisational structures and depth.
Leadership projection has become a central feature of this campaign. Unlike previous elections, parties have openly projected prime ministerial faces, despite the parliamentary system not requiring pre-declared candidates.
The Nepali Congress, Nepal’s oldest party, is foregrounding 49-year-old Gagan Thapa, who took charge earlier this year, projecting generational renewal while emphasising continuity through a Congress 2.0 rebranding. The CPN-UML is rallying behind its chairman, Mr. Oli, 74, a three-time Prime Minister.
Adding to the leadership-focused narrative, Balendra Shah, the former mayor of Kathmandu, has entered the fray on the RSP ticket in Jhapa-5, Mr. Oli’s long-held constituency. Mr. Shah has positioned himself as an anti-establishment challenger expanding his appeal beyond municipal politics.
Each represents a distinct governing philosophy. Mr. Shah projects velocity and disruption; Mr. Thapa emphasises process and institutional reform; Mr. Oli is associated with power consolidation and strong central authority. Each approach, however, carries potential risks. Rapid disruption could strain democratic norms; process-heavy reform could slow urgent decision-making; concentrated authority could test constitutional limits.
For voters such as Mr. Tamang, the calculation is simpler: “If the person or party I vote for does not win, I don’t mind,” he says. “I just want to make my own contribution to blocking the old ones.”
Mr. Giri, the restaurant worker, remains sceptical. Younger than Nepal’s post-1990 democratic transition, he sees little tangible change in his own life — including the fact that it still takes him three days to reach home to vote.
Published – March 02, 2026 10:35 pm IST
