Iran’s unique political system — which has been designed in such a way that the Shia clergy has ultimate authority in all critical matters related to the state, even as elections are held in regular intervals — is a child of the 1979 revolution.

While it’s popularly called the “Islamic revolution”, the anti-Shah movement was not just Islamic. True, Ayatollah Ruholla Khomeini, who, while in exile in Iraq’s Najaf, had called for the Shah’s ouster, and became the embodiment of the mass agitations in the 1970s. But Iranians from different political sections, including nationalists, liberals, leftists and trade unionists, had actively joined the movement, seeking freedom from the Shah’s dictatorship.

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The Shah, Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, who had to briefly flee the country in the early 1950s and was restored after the CIA helped the monarchists orchestrate a coup against the democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, was more or less detached from the political reality on ground. He orchestrated grand ceremonies celebrating the monarchy (such as the extravagant 1971 celebration of “the 2,500th year of the Iranian monarchy” spending some $100 million), banned all political parties except the monarchist Resurgence Party (Hezb-e-Rastakhiz) and assumed himself the title of Aryan Sun (Aryamehr) — apolitical and spiritual guide of Iran. When an increasingly isolated Shah tried to consolidate more and more powers in his hands, SAVAK, his secret police, ran amok in the country, rounding up political dissidents.

Iranians are no strangers to political rebellion and defiance. In 1896, Naser al-Din Shah, the fourth Shah of Qajar Iran, was assassinated inside a mosque in Tehran. The assassination and its aftermath would eventually lead to the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1911, which led to the establishment of a Parliament in Persia.

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Reza Shah Pahlavi ignored this history of rebellion when he unleashed his forces on increasingly disgruntled protesters, which eventually led to his own downfall. When the Shah fled the country in January 1979, Khomeini was in Paris. He landed in Tehran’s Mehrabad airport, which was controlled by the revolutionaries, on February 1, 1979.

They turned a disused girls’ school in central Tehran into a make-shift headquarters of the Revolutionary Council. And one of the first things Khomeini did was to form a paramilitary force — the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). But the Islamists could not ignore other sections of the revolution completely.

So, Khomeini ushered in a new system that would have an elected President and Parliament, while the clerics would remain firmly in control. He promised an Islamic revolutionary government based on Sharia, a model which he called Vilayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Faqih, or the Islamic Jurist).

Clerical control

Iran’s state has both elected and unelected branches and the unelected branch is more powerful than the former. The President, Parliament (Majles) and the Assembly of Experts are directly elected, while the Supreme Leader, the Guardian Council and the Expediency Council are appointed by the clergy. The President is the head of the government, which is in charge of running the day-to-day affairs of the country, but is not the head of the state. The Supreme Leader is the most powerful person in the country and is both the political leader and spiritual guide of the Islamic Republic.

The presidential term is four years and Presidents cannot have more than two consecutive terms. The election process itself is largely considered fair (though there were disputes, such as the 2009 elections), but all the candidates are vetted by the Guardian Council, which usually disqualifies an overwhelming majority of the candidates. The 290-member Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majles) has the authority to legislate. But all the Bills the Majles passes should go to the unelected Guardian Council, which would vet whether the Bill is in compliance with the Islamic Constitution and values.

The powerful Guardian Council has 12 members, a combination of six religious experts, who will directly be appointed by the Supreme Leader, and six Islamic legal jurists, nominated by the Chief Justice (who in turn is appointed by the Supreme Leader). So the Supreme Leader’s office has direct or indirect control over the Guardian Council, which oversees the elections, vets the candidates and has a veto over Parliament.

Unlike the President, the Supreme Leader doesn’t have any fixed term. Since the 1979 revolution, Iran has had only two Supreme Leaders — Khomeini (who died in 1989) and Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who was assassinated by a joint American-Israeli strike on February 28, 2026. Iran, now at war with the U.S. and Israel, is currently in the process of choosing its third Supreme Leader.

The Constitution mandates the 88-member Assembly of Experts to elect the Supreme Leader. The Assembly, which also has the authority to oversee and dismiss the Supreme Leader, is directly elected, but the candidates are strictly vetted by the Guardian Council, whose members are directly or indirectly picked by the Supreme Leader. If there are legal disputes between the elected Majles and the unelected Guardian Council, the 45-member Expediency Council, which advises the Supreme Leader, will have ultimate adjudicating powers. And all 45 members of the Council are appointed by the Supreme Leader, who is also the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces.

In essence, the Islamic Constitution ensures that the Supreme Leader and the clerical establishment stay firmly in charge of all branches of the state.

Principalists and reformists

Iran’s political class is broadly divided into two categories — principalists (better known as hardliners) and reformists. The principalists make up the conservative bloc that enjoys the support of the clergy, whereas reformists advocate political and social reforms from within. The election of Mohammad Khatami as President in 1997 was a critical moment for reformist politics. But Mr. Khatami, an influential and popular reformist, failed to usher in any major changes in the system. Hassan Rouhani, the former President, was also a reformist, while his successor, Ebrahim Raisi, was a principalist. The current President, Masoud Pezeshkian, belongs to the reformist camp.

When Khomeini established his clerical rule after the revolution, many expected the new order to collapse quickly. Instead, Khomeini purged internal dissent and consolidated the clergy’s grip even when the country fought an eight-year war with Iraq. Over four decades later, the system the Ayatollah built faces its gravest challenges yet.

Iran was bombed by Israel and the U.S. in June 2025, while the alliance network it had built in West Asia has been weakened by Israeli attacks.

In January 2026, Iran witnessed massive protests and riots amid deteriorating economic situation. And now, with Israel and the U.S. bombarding Iran and openly calling for regime change, the Islamic Republic is fighting a do-or-die battle on multiple fronts.

Published – March 05, 2026 07:00 pm IST

In this photo released by the official website of the office of the Iranian supreme leader, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei waves in his meeting with a group of students in Tehran, Iran. File.
| Photo Credit: ap

Lashing out after the death of Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah and civilians in strikes on Lebanon’s Beirut, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has said the savage nature of the “rabid Zionist regime” has been revealed. Mr Khamenei’s statement came on Saturday, amid reports that he had been moved to a secure location after Nasrallah’s killing and at a time when the world’s eyes are on Iran to see what steps it takes after the attacks on one of its closest allies.

The Iranian Supreme Leader also called Israel’s war against Hamas – another partner in Iran’s ‘Axis of Resistance’ against the Jewish country –  in Gaza a “criminal” one and called upon all Muslims to stand with Hezbollah and the people of Lebanon.

“The massacre of defenceless people in Lebanon has once again revealed the savage nature of the rabid Zionist regime, and at the same time, it has proven the short-sightedness and foolish policies of the heads of the usurping regime. The terror group ruling the Zionist regime has failed to learn a lesson from its year-long criminal war in Gaza. They have not understood that the mass killing of women, children, and civilians cannot weaken or dismantle the strong structure of the resistance organisation,” Mr Khamenei said in a statement, which did not mention what were, until then, Israel’s claims of killing the Hezbollah chief. 

Accusing the Israeli government of testing the “same foolish policies” in Lebanon, Mr Khamenei said it is “too insignificant” to inflict any significant damage to Hezbollah’s foundation in Lebanon. 

“All the resistance forces in the region stand beside and support Hezbollah. The destiny of this region will be shaped by the forces of resistance, with the proud Hezbollah at the forefront. The people of Lebanon have not forgotten the days when the military of the usurping regime marched to Beirut. It was Hezbollah that cut off their advance and brought dignity and pride to Lebanon. Today, with God’s strength, Lebanon will again force the vile, malevolent enemy to regret its actions,” he said. 

Giving a call for Muslims to stand with Lebanon and Hezbollah, he added, “It is incumbent upon all Muslims to stand with the people of Lebanon and the proud Hezbollah with all their resources and support them in their confrontation with the usurping, oppressive, and malicious regime.”

News agency Reuters reported that, after Nasrallah’s death, Mr Khamenei has been moved to a secure location. Sources told the agency that Iran is in touch with Hezbollah and other groups in the region to assess what the country’s next steps can be. 

Israel has, over the past few days, shifted the focus of its operation from Gaza to Lebanon and its heavy bombing has killed more than 700 people and displaced over 1 lakh. Its operations have continued despite growing international calls for a ceasefire, including from the US.

Israel’s army chief Lieutenant General Herzi Halevi on Saturday said: “The message is simple, anyone who threatens the citizens of Israel: we will know how to reach them.”

Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. File
| Photo Credit: Reuters/Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader

Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on Monday (September 16, 2024) included India in the list of places where Muslims are suffering. In a comment sent out in the social media Mr. Khamenei referred to India, Gaza, and Myanmar and said the Islamic world should not remain oblivious to the condition of Muslims in these places.

“We cannot consider ourselves to be Muslims if we are oblivious to the suffering that a Muslim is enduring in Myanmar, Gaza, India, or any other place,” said Mr. Khamenei in a message that was also interpreted in Bengali.

He argued for unity between the Shia and Sunni sects of Islam and said, “the concept of an ‘Islamic Ummah’ must never be forgotten.”

The comment from the supreme leader of Iran came on the occasion of the Islamic Unity Week. On this occasion, Ali Khamenei met with the leaders of the Sunni community of Iran and praised their contribution to the Iranian society.

In response to Mr. Khamenei comments, the Ministry of External Affairs said “We strongly deplore the comments made regarding minorities in India by the Supreme Leader of Iran. These are misinformed and unacceptable. Countries commenting on minorities are advised to look at their own record before making any observations about others.”

A woman walks past a wall bearing electoral campaign posters, ahead of the upcoming elections, in Tehran on February 24, 2024. File
| Photo Credit: AFP

With just a week remaining before a Presidential election, Iranians are divided over whether voting will address pressing economic issues and mandatory hijab laws.

Iranians head to the polls on June 28 to choose from six candidates — five conservatives and a relative reformist — to succeed Ebrahim Raisi, who died in a helicopter crash last month.

The election comes as Iran grapples with economic pressures, international sanctions and enforcement of the compulsory headscarves for women.

“They promise change, but won’t do much,” said Hamid Habibi, a 54-year-old shop owner at Tehran’s bustling Grand Bazar.

“I’ve watched the debates and campaigns; they speak beautifully but need to back their words with action,” he said.

Despite his scepticism, Habibi plans to vote next week.

The candidates have held two debates, each pledging to tackle the financial challenges impacting the country’s 85 million people.

“The economic situation is deteriorating daily, and I don’t foresee any improvements,” said Fariba, a 30-year-old who runs an online store.

“Regardless of who wins, our lives won’t change,” she said.

‘No difference’

Others, like 57-year-old baker Taghi Dodangeh, remain hopeful.

“Change is certain,” he said, viewing voting as a religious duty and national obligation.

But Jowzi, a 61-year-old housewife, expressed doubts, especially about the candidate line-up.

“There’s hardly any differences between the six,” she said. “One cannot say any of them belongs to a different group.”

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Iran’s Guardian Council approved six candidates after disqualifying most moderates and reformists.

Leading contenders include conservative parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, ultraconservative former nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili and the sole reformist candidate, Masoud Pezeshkian.

Keshvar, a 53-year-old mother, intends to vote for the candidate with the most robust economic plan.

“Young people are grappling with economic hardships,” she said.

“Raisi made efforts, but on the ground, things didn’t change much for the general public, and they were unhappy.”

In the 2021 election that brought Raisi to power, many voters stayed away, resulting in a participation rate of just under 49% — the lowest since the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

‘Act humanely’

Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has urged a high voter turnout.

Yet, 26-year-old shopkeeper Mahdi Zeinali said he would only vote if a candidate proves to be “the right person”.

This election comes at a turbulent time, with the Gaza war raging between Iran’s adversary Israel and Tehran-backed Palestinian militant group Hamas, along with ongoing diplomatic tensions over Iran’s nuclear programme.

Compulsory hijab laws remain contentious, particularly since mass protests triggered by the 2022 death in custody of Mahsa Amini.

Amini, a 22-year-old Iranian Kurd, was detained for an alleged breach of Iran’s dress code for women, who are required to cover their heads and necks and wear modest clothing in public.

Despite increased enforcement, many women, especially in Tehran, defy the dress code.

Fariba expressed concern that after the election, “things would go back to where they were”, and young women wouldn’t be able to remove their headscarves.

Jowzi, an undecided voter who wears a veil, regards it as a “personal” choice and opposes state interference.

“It makes no difference who becomes president,” she said.

“What’s important is what they actually do. It’s not important to me whether or not they have a turban. They need to act humanely.”

File picture of Iran Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei
| Photo Credit: AP

Iran’s supreme leader presided over a funeral Wednesday for the country’s late president, foreign minister and others killed in a helicopter crash.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei held the service at Tehran University, the caskets of the dead draped in Iranian flags with their pictures on them. On the late President Ebrahim Raisi’s coffin sat a black turban — signifying his direct descendence from Islam’s Prophet Muhammad.

“Oh Allah, we didn’t see anything but good from him,” Mr. Khamenei said in the standard prayer for the dead in Arabic, the language of Islam’s holy book, the Quran. He soon left and the crowd inside rushed to the front, reaching out to touch the coffins. Iran’s acting president, Mohammad Mokhber, stood nearby and openly wept during the service.

People then carried the coffins out on their shoulders, with chants outside of “Death to America!” They loaded them onto a semitruck trailer for a procession through downtown Tehran to Azadi, or “Freedom,” Square, where Raisi gave speeches in the past.

In attendance were top leaders of Iran’s paramilitary Revolutionary Guard, one of the country’s major power centers. Also on hand was Ismail Haniyeh of Hamas, the militant group that Iran has armed and supported during the ongoing Israel-Hamas war raging in the Gaza Strip. Before the funeral, Mr. Haniyeh spoke and an emcee led the crowd in the chant: “Death to Israel!”

“I come in the name of the Palestinian people, in the name of the resistance factions of Gaza… to express our condolences,” Mr. Haniyeh told those gathered.

He also recounted meeting Raisi in Tehran during Ramadan, the holy Muslim fasting month, and heard the president say the Palestinian issue remains the key one of the Muslim world.

The Muslim world “must fulfil their obligations to the Palestinians to liberate their land,” Mr. Haniyeh said, recounting Raisi’s words. He also described Raisi calling the October 7 attack that sparked the war, which saw 1,200 people killed and 250 others taken hostage, an “earthquake in the heart of the Zionist entity.” The war since has seen 35,000 Palestinians killed in the Gaza Strip and hundreds of others in the West Bank in Israeli operations.

Also expected to attend services in Tehran were Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and a delegation from the Taliban of Afghanistan, including their Foreign Minister Amir Khan Mutaqqi.

Iran’s theocracy declared five days of mourning over Sunday’s crash, encouraging people to attend the public mourning sessions. Typically, government employees and schoolchildren attend such events en masse, while others take part out of patriotism, curiosity or to witness historic events.

For Iran’s Shiite theocracy, mass demonstrations have been crucial to demonstrating the legitimacy of their leadership since millions thronged the streets of Tehran to welcome Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1979 during the Islamic Revolution, and also attended his funeral 10 years later.

An estimated 1 million turned out in 2020 for processions for the late Revolutionary Guard Gen. Qassem Soleimani, who was slain in a U.S. drone strike in Baghdad. In that ceremony, Khamenei openly wept over Soleimani’s casket alongside Raisi. On Wednesday, Khamenei appeared composed, though he later hugged family members of the dead on his way out.

Whether Raisi, Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian and others draw the same crowd remains in question, particularly as Raisi died in a helicopter crash, won his office in the lowest-turnout presidential election in the country’s history and presided over sweeping crackdowns on all dissent.

Prosecutors already have warned people over showing any public signs of celebrating his death and a heavy security force presence has been seen on the streets of Tehran since the crash.

Raisi, 63, had been discussed as a possible successor for Iran’s supreme leader, the 85-year-old Mr. Khamenei. His death now throws that selection into question, particularly as there is no heir-apparent cleric for the presidency ahead of planned June 28 elections.