Resource-geopolitics and security in the Indo-Pacific is a subject that is drawing the attention of countries in this region, which accounts for more than half the world’s population, 60% of global GDP, as well as two-thirds of global economic growth.

Resource geopolitics and security were central to the colonial project. The prosperity of the West was built largely on access to the vast resources of the colonised countries. However, while the colonial phase of history is over, there is still concern about neo-colonialist policies operating in open or disguised form in relations between developed and developing countries in the Indo-Pacific. 

A Widening Gap

Non-western countries have generally benefited from globalisation with foreign investment flows, more open markets, participation in supply chains and export-led growth, even if the gap between the rich and poor nations has widened simultaneously. Most importantly, the gap between technology-rich and resource-rich countries remains unbridged.

Many developing countries with vast mineral resources do not have the capital and technology to exploit them on their own. They need foreign capital and technology to develop them. The gap between what they earn from the export of these raw natural resources and what the developed countries earn from processing and value-addition for industrial use is vast.

Critical and emerging technologies, which require a major R&D and industrial base, will largely remain the preserve of the technologically advanced West. The advance they already have from the time of the Industrial Revolution is sought to be preserved to maintain their dominance of the global system.

The critical raw materials required for many of these technologies are largely in the non-Western countries, though a country like Australia possesses large quantities of lithium, iron ore, uranium, coal and natural gas. This is where geopolitics and security come into play.

Feeding Chinese Manufacturing 

This broad picture is blurred with a country like China becoming the world’s biggest manufacturing power and needing access to natural resources to feed its vast industrial machine, critical raw materials to maintain its dominance in green technologies, for instance, besides access to agricultural resources of other countries in the region to feed its vast population with rising living standards.

It is noteworthy that after Australia sought an investigation into the source of the COVID-19-causing virus in Wuhan and China imposed sanctions on it, iron ore imports were not included in those curbs.

Apart from geopolitics and security per se, resource geopolitics is an element in the strengthening of India-Australia ties. Australia has turned towards India to reduce its over-dependence on China, and India is interested in access to Australia’s natural resources such as uranium and coal in particular.

Indonesia, the largest producer of nickel, is trying to transform itself from an exporter into a key player in the global value chain by banning the export of the raw material.

China’s phenomenal rise has changed the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region and well beyond. It is at the centre of geopolitics and security in the region, which is also resource-oriented in part. It is claiming exclusive military and economic rights over large parts of the South China Sea.

The idea behind China’s 9 or 10-dash line, which would make the South China Sea ‘Beijing’s Lake’, as former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said, is to change the balance of military power in the region by extending the reach of its aircraft and missiles to challenge US military power in the region.

The US has bases, troops and a large naval presence in the region as part of a military alliance system that includes Japan, South Korea and the Philippines. It also holds the responsibility for the security of Taiwan.

Threats In South China Sea

China seeks to strategically control the important shipping lanes that traverse the South China Sea. Some of the most dynamic economies in the world are in this region, besides China itself as the biggest exporting country, and Japan and South Korea as well. These countries trade with all geographies. Over 60% of global maritime trade passes through these waters, amounting to $3.29 trillion, according to a 2016 estimate.

It is believed that the South China Sea has fairly abundant oil and natural gas resources — by one estimate, approximately 11 billion barrels of petroleum and 190 trillion cubic feet of natural gas in proven and probable reserves. But these are largely in uncontested areas close to the coasts.

Underwater exploration for oil has been done off the coasts of Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia, and China. There is already conflict between China and Vietnam over oil drilling in contested areas. In the past, China also protested against ONGC drilling in Vietnamese waters that Beijing claims. ONGC is still operating in this area.

For India, too, resource geopolitics in the western Pacific is important. India plans to increase its investment in Russia’s far-East to get access to its rich resources, be it coal, oil, natural gas, etc. The projected Vladivostok-Chennai corridor will pass through these waters. As much as 55% of India’s trade is done through the South China Sea and the Malacca Strait. This underlines the importance for India of freedom of navigation in the South China Sea.

In the context of the opening of the Arctic route, free and unhindered access through these waters increases their strategic importance further. 

The South China Sea is rich in marine life. This heavily fished area is the main source of animal protein for this densely populated zone. Regional countries want to retain or exercise rights to these fishing stocks, but China is claiming sovereignty over the continental shelf of countries like the Philippines and Indonesia, contrary to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

Risks In The Indian Ocean Region

In the Indian Ocean, resource geopolitics and security is less of a factor than in the western Pacific Sea as there are no contested maritime territorial claims. There are, however, issues with regard to illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing and intrusions into the continental shelf of countries, which requires monitoring. For countries like India, increased Chinese maritime presence has major geopolitical and security implications.

The Indian Ocean holds rich marine resources, and the fisheries sector is vital for the economies and livelihoods of the populations of the littoral states. The scale of IUU fishing in the EEZs of five countries in the Southwest Indian Ocean – Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, South Africa and Tanzania – is a major issue.

Here too, China has expanded its maritime footprint through its fishing fleet. It is a major state actor responsible for much of the IUU fishing worldwide. Its Distant Water Fishing (DWF) fleet in size, destructive conduct, and geopolitical purpose stands out. For China, its DWF is an instrument of national power. China encourages its fishing companies to undertake joint ventures and sign bilateral fishing agreements.

According to a report, China has acquired about 75% of the 130 fishing licenses issued by Mozambique. It exploits the gaps in the competence of Regional Fisheries Management Organisations (RFMOs) in the Indian Ocean, resulting in over-fishing. There are also suspicions that its fishing fleets are part of its military surveillance and intelligence networks.

Exploitation Of Marine Resources

The Indian Ocean Rim countries are faced with common pressing challenges of over-exploitation of natural marine resources. Fishing in the Indian Ocean grew by 300% from 1950 to 2018, reaching 6.5 million tonnes annually. Most of the countries in the region have formulated their own fisheries regulations, but they lack proper standards, guidelines, coherent regional arrangement and enforcement mechanisms, owing to limited data and capacity constraints.

Sea bed mining will be part of global competition for resources, and this includes the Indian Ocean. Nodules containing nickel, cobalt, iron, and massive sulphide deposits of manganese, copper, iron, nickel, cobalt, iron, zinc, silver and gold are present in sizeable quantities on the sea bed. China is preparing in a big way to mine minerals like nickel, copper, cobalt and manganese. These are critical materials needed in vast quantities to build a green economy. The International Seabed Authority is still figuring out how mining should be regulated, with some environmental groups wanting an outright ban.

Also, the western rim of the Indian Ocean is flush with oil and gas resources. Resource-related geopolitics and security have marked this area for several decades. The volatility of this area because of its hydrocarbon resources remains. As much as 40% of the world’s offshore oil production takes place in the Indian Ocean basin. It holds 16.8% of the world’s proven oil reserves and 27.9% of proven natural gas reserves. Nearly 80% of India’s crude oil requirement is also imported by sea via the Indian Ocean.

Climate change-induced phenomena, such as extreme weather events and rising ocean temperatures, adversely affect the reproductive patterns and quality of aquatic life in the Indian and Pacific oceans. Human security challenges are arising from climate change impacts such as sea-level rise, ocean acidification, and extreme weather events. The negative impacts of climate change extend beyond land-based agriculture to include fishing and aquaculture activities, which are significant components of agricultural output in the Indo-Pacific nations.

As the population of the Indo-Pacific region increases in the coming decades, its impact on food security and the economy from marine resources will become more substantial. In the Indo-Pacific, as elsewhere, the oceans, seas and coastal areas contribute to food security and poverty eradication. And yet, the oceans are under severe threat by human activities.

The lack of regional maritime security architecture has prompted major powers to compete for control over these resources and sea lanes.

A Blue Economy

The focus on a ‘Blue Economy’ is important for preserving the oceans as a source of human security. In the September 2015 Mauritius Declaration on Blue Economy, the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) recognised the need for urgent action towards improved governance structures to preserve the ocean’s resources for future generations. The blue economy aims at the sustainable management of ocean resources in collaborations across borders and sectors through a variety of partnerships. Goal 14 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) – Life Below Water – outlines the imperative need to increase cooperation for the conservation and sustainable use of the oceans, seas and marine resources.

Meanwhile, the Island states are concerned with nontraditional security threats from climate change, IUU fishing, piracy and oil spills as the biggest security threats in the Indian and Pacific Oceans. These issues have not been priority security concerns for major powers in the region, but this gap in the approach to Indo-Pacific security is being bridged.

India has proposed a cooperative framework to handle maritime issues in the Indian Ocean. Its objectives, as outlined by Indian Prime Minister Modi in 2015 under the banner of SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region), are to seek a climate of trust and transparency, respect for international maritime rules and norms by all countries, sensitivity to each other’s interests, peaceful resolution of maritime issues, and increase in maritime cooperation.

(Kanwal Sibal was Foreign Secretary and Ambassador to Turkey, Egypt, France and Russia, and Deputy Chief Of Mission in Washington.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

In mid-August, India witnessed one of the most extensive multilateral air exercises hosted by the Indian Air Force (IAF) called Tarang Shakti (Phase I). It was the first instance of the German Luftwaffe (German Air Force) doing sorties in Indian skies. Towards the end, IAF Air Chief Marshal V. R. Chaudhari announced this would become a biennial event.  

Speaking to the press in India, German Luftwaffe Inspector General Lieutenant Ingo Gerhartz said that Tarang Shakti was not meant to be against any particular country but rather an exercise among partner countries.   

“Tarang Shakti was the fifth tryout for Pacific Skies 24. We have flown around 1.3 million flying kilometres. In the last two months, we have flown so many flight hours that one German organisation would fly in an entire year,” noted Gen. Gerhartz. Pacific Skies 24 is the largest-ever air exercise held jointly by France, Germany, and Spain to note its presence in the Indo-Pacific region. 

Regarding military and defence partnerships, Russia has been India’s go-to country, being its top supplier for decades. Over the years, the U.S. and France have increased their defence partnerships with India to be among the top three suppliers. Despite being in the top five arms suppliers globally, Germany has no significant presence when it comes to supplying to India.  

Back in 2006, Indian and German Defence Ministries had signed an agreement on deeper security and defence cooperation, which included training of military personnel, increased technology transfer, and collaboration in joint defence projects. During the Indo-German intergovernmental consultations in 2019, the two countries decided to further deepen bilateral defence ties, with Germany working towards facilitating the export of military equipment with India.  

“If you look at the global defence market, Russia used to be number 2, but in the low-price segment, they were very dominant. Defence equipment from NATO and Israel is rather expensive. The only other country that can replace Russia in the low-cost segment is China – from an Indian perspective, it is not a good way to go,” said Dr. Adrian Haack, Director of Konrad Adenauer Foundation’s India office. Mr. Haack was present at the Sulur Air Force Station in Tamil Nadu in August to witness Tarang Shakti phase 1. According to him, a large part of the exercise was the presence of Gen. Gerhartz himself, who flew the Eurofighter and had an easygoing attitude towards everyone else.  

“Gen. Gerhartz always wore the pilot’s jacket with the General’s rank sign and not his General’s uniform. It was an informal diplomatic way in which the General behaved to show that Germany comes as a friend,” said Mr. Haack.  

Germany-India defence partnership

 Regarding defence equipment imported by India, Russia leads the charts, followed by France, the U.S., Israel, and South Korea. Germany does not even figure in the top countries and therein lies the opportunity. However, given the Russia-Ukraine war, Russia’s industrial capacity is focused on making weapons for the war.  

“Germany was quite late in engaging India’s defence interests. To be frank, Germany just woke up, as compared to the U.S. and France, who have way more advanced defence cooperation than Germany,” said Mr. Haack, noting that Germany is merely copying the U.S.’s and France’s strategy to woo India in the defence sector.  

Prof. Harsh Pant, Vice President, Studies and Foreign Policy, at the Observer Research Foundation said, “The strategic picture has shifted completely, and there is a debate about Germany being forced to become a more involved player in the defence and security sector. Given the Indo-German relations, India could establish a long-term defence partnership.” 

German defence manufacturers have been present in India. For instance, ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems (TKMS) and Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Ltd. (MDL) signed an MoU in 2023 for the local construction of submarines for the Indian Navy. They have not only worked for the modernisation of the Indian submarine INS Shankush but have also jointly bid for the $4.8 billion Project 75 (India) programme for the construction of diesel submarines. While TKMS would be responsible for the submarine design, engineering, and consultancy, MDL would manage the construction and delivery to the Indian Navy.  

“The submarine cooperation between India and Germany is great, allowing Germany to be a defence partner in a crucial, high-tech weapons system. This is a good step and a strong commitment from the German side. From the Indian perspective, it also shows that, on the one hand, they want to be more self-reliant but also replace their older systems with more advanced systems. They are not buying the cheapest submarine but investing in expensive and advanced systems. The same is the case with the Air Force with Rafale, for example,” said Mr. Haack. 

Technology transfer is one of the major pre-conditions for defence partnerships as India also focuses on manufacturing defence equipment domestically. According to Mr. Pant, the technology transfer precondition could be a roadblock to high-end technology transfer but that is a concern for the future.  

“Countries that are more pragmatic in this regard will benefit. The U.S., for instance, has changed its response, and they are pushing for more technology transfer. Without tech transfer, the defence partnerships with India will be constrained. But in the case of Germany, as the defence partnership is just starting to take shape, it should not be as big of an issue. It depends on how high up the pecking order the technology transfer requirement is,” said Mr. Pant.  

Experts note that India has been exposed to Russian and Western defence technologies and platforms.  

“If you have many West-based vendors, then interoperability is not an issue. It only becomes a problem when we use Russian and Western systems together,” said Mr. Pant.  

“If you look at Germany, there is the Eurofighter and the Tornado, and the Tornado is being replaced by the F35 by Lockheed Martin. At any moment, there will be two fighter jets in service. If you look at France, they have Rafale and Mirage. But India has way more models. The Indian Army may be slightly different regarding platforms. Still, the Indian Airforce and Navy are very diverse, so it should not be a problem if India gets weapons with German/European systems,” said Mr. Haack.  

German interest in the Indo-Pacific region

 China’s aggressive policies in the waters of the Indo-Pacific have been a concern for many countries in the region. The German Bundeswehr (armed forces) notes: “By building artificial islands, for instance, in the South China Sea, China has established military bases outside its national territory, thus provoking conflicts over sea routes, natural resources, and fishing rights. This poses a threat to peace in the region and to the security of international shipping and trade routes.” The Indo-Pacific region is home to nine of the ten largest ports in the world.  

According to Mr. Haack, while Germany has clear political positions regarding China, it has a substantial economic trading volume with China, which puts Germany in a tricky situation.  

“Germany has a great interest in free shipping routes and preserving peace and stability in the region. That is why we are now more engaged in security policy,” according to the German government release.  

“Regarding the Indo-Pacific region, (Germany’s presence in the waters) is a political sign. Since there is no rule of law on open waters, the presence of ships is always a sign that you are willing to implement rules,” said Mr. Haack. 

Mr. Pant believes German interest in the Indo-Pacific region is partly due to Europe’s changing worldview and the shift in the balance of power in that region. Around 60% of the world’s economic output is generated within the Indo-Pacific region, which could have a direct impact on the economic interests of export nations like Germany.  

“After the Russia-Ukraine war and Russia and China’s close cooperation, there is a sense that the behavioural patterns of Europe could be replicated in Asia-Pacific. The centre of gravity is shifting to the Indo-Pacific region, and Europe wants to be a geopolitical actor here. Germany, the largest economy in Europe, will also have to do more heavy lifting,” said Mr. Pant.  

The German Navy is also expected to navigate India’s west coast with the German frigate Bayern for a joint exercise, which was also conducted in 2019.  

“The optics for Germany are important – projecting their interests in making it clear to the Chinese that Germany will play an important role in the Indo-Pacific. They also aim at creating a sense that Germany is willing to increase its regional security presence,” said Mr. Pant.

(Nimish Sawant is an independent journalist based in Berlin)  

Washington:

A top US official said on Monday that progress in the bilateral relationship with India has finally achieved “escape velocity”, using a term from space exploration to describe the velocity required by a body to soar without the pull of gravity.

Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell was speaking on a sustainable and enduring US policy in the Indo-Pacific region at an event at the Council on Foreign Relations, a leading think tank.

He was recently in India along with National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan for a much-anticipated visit that also turned out to be the first trip by senior US officials to New Delhi in Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s third term.

Campbell also made a strong pitch for according to a higher preference to increasing the intake of Indian students in STEM fields in US universities, than to students from China, who are not trusted in high-technology fields.

“The United States and India have launched an effort to intensify defence industrial cooperation on jet engines and armoured vehicles,” Campbell said about ties with India in the context of America’s sustained engagement with the Indo-Pacific region.

“After working in India for decades, I can tell you that it is my view that finally, the use-end rate relationship has reached escape velocity. I think we have a partnership that can be sustained and there is ambition in both Delhi and Washington to take important next steps. We’ve worked together on a variety of other issues between the United States and India including announcing new initiatives where we will work together for the first time in the Indian Ocean.”

Campbell was previously the White House czar for President Joe Biden’s Indo-Pacific policy, which has seen this administration elevate the Quad platform with India, Australia, and Japan to the level leaders, the launch of the Australia, UK and US partnership called AUKUS and deepening bilateral, trilateral and multilateral ties with Indo-Pacific countries with the shared goal of managing China’s aggressive rise.

The jet engine cooperation that Campbell mentioned is the joint production of GE’s F414 jet engine with HAL that was announced during Prime Minister Modi’s state visit in June last year.

India and the US are also in talks to co-produce Stryker armoured infantry fighting vehicles (IFVs or infantry combat vehicles). India is looking to this vehicle as a replacement for its fleet of ageing Russian-made ICVs.

India and the United States cooperate on a wide suite of issues and people-to-people is one of the most important of them. Indian students in US universities are a key part of it. Indians account for the second largest cohort of foreign students and their numbers are growing rapidly.

Campbell’s strong pitch for a larger intake of Indian students came in response to a question on what needs to be done to shore up declining numbers of Chinese students. “Right now the largest increase that we need to see going forward would be much larger numbers of Indian students that come to study in American universities on a range of technology and other fields more directly,” he said.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

Prime Minister Narendra Modi during a bilateral meeting with the Prime Minister of Italy Giorgia Meloni on the sidelines of the G7 summit, in Apulia, Italy, Friday, June 14, 2024.
| Photo Credit: PTI

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Italian counterpart Giorgia Meloni have reviewed the progress of the bilateral strategic partnership and agreed to strengthen cooperation in global fora and multilateral initiatives, including the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor.

The two leaders met on June 14 towards the end of Prime Minister Modi’s day-long visit to Apulia, southern Italy, during which he thanked the Italian Prime Minister for the invitation to attend the G7 Summit.

A Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) readout of the meeting said the leaders committed to fulfil their shared vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific and also discussed the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC).

“Both leaders look forward to joint activities to be implemented under the Indo-Pacific Ocean Initiative framework to fulfil their shared vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific,” the Ministry of External Affairs said, amidst China’s aggressive actions in the region.

They also discussed important regional and global issues and agreed to strengthen cooperation in global fora and multilateral initiatives, including the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, it said.

Billed as a path-breaking initiative, the IMEC envisages a vast road, railroad and shipping network among Saudi Arabia, India, the United States and Europe to ensure integration among Asia, the Middle East and the West.

The IMEC is also seen as an initiative by like-minded nations to gain strategic influence in the face of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) which has faced increasing criticism over lack of transparency and disregard for sovereignty of the nations.

The BRI is a mega connectivity project that connects China with Southeast Asia, Central Asia, Russia and Europe.

The IMEC initiative was firmed up on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Delhi last year.

“The two leaders noted with satisfaction the regular higher political dialogue and reviewed the progress of the India-Italy Strategic Partnership. While expressing happiness at growing trade and economic collaboration, they called for expanding commercial ties in clean energy, manufacturing, Space, S&T (science and tech), telecom, AI and critical minerals to build resilient supply chains. In this context, they welcomed the recent signing of a MoU on Industrial Property Rights (IPR) which provides a framework for cooperation on patents, designs and trademarks,” it said.

The MEA said the two sides discussed bilateral defence and security cooperation and hoped to further enhance the defence-industrial collaboration. The leaders welcomed the forthcoming visit of the Italian aircraft carrier ITS Cavour and training ship ITS Vespucci to India later this year.

Prime Minister Modi is said to have thanked the Italian government for recognising the Indian Army’s contribution to the Italian campaign during World War II and informed that India will be upgrading the Yashwant Ghadge Memorial at Montone in Italy.

The MEA statement added: “Taking note of the coordination under the ‘Global Biofuels Alliance’, the leaders welcomed the signing of the Letter of Intent for Cooperation in Energy Transition which will boost bilateral cooperation in clean and green energy. They expressed happiness at the new Executive Programme of Cooperation for 2025-27 to promote joint research and development in Science & Technology.”

“The two countries enjoy strong people-to-people connect propelled by longstanding Indological studies tradition in Italy, which will be further strengthened with the establishment of the first ICCR chair on India studies at the University of Milan. The two Leaders called for an early implementation of the Migration and Mobility Agreement, which would facilitate mobility of professionals, skilled and semi-skilled workers, students, and researchers.”

Earlier on June 14, Ms. Meloni welcomed the Prime Minister along with leaders of Algeria, Argentina, Brazil, India, Jordan, Kenya, Mauritania, Tunisia, Turkiye, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to address the Outreach session on Artificial Intelligence, Energy, Africa and the Mediterranean, along with Pope Francis.

The G7 Summit, to be formally concluded on June 15, was hosted under the presidency of Italy and attended by the Group of Seven Industrialised nations – the U.S., U.K., Japan, Canada, Germany and France, and the European Union.

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar with South Korea National Security Advisor Chang Ho-jin. Photo: X/@DrSJaishankar

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar on March 5 met South Korea’s national security advisor Chang Ho-jin and held useful discussions with him on the shared convergences in the Indo-Pacific region and contemporary regional and global issues.

Mr. Jaishankar is in Seoul on the first leg of his four-day visit to South Korea and Japan.

He will co-chair the 10th India-South Korea Joint Commission Meeting (JCM) with his counterpart Cho Tae-yul during the visit.   “Good start to my South Korea visit. Meeting with the Director of National Security Chang Ho-jin in Seoul today. A useful discussion on our shared convergences in the Indo-Pacific and contemporary regional & global issues,” Mr. Jaishankar posted on X.

He also met Trade, Industry and Energy Minister Ahn Dukgeun.

“Wide-ranging conversation on our trade and economic cooperation, both current and future, which is at the heart of India-South Korea relationship,” Mr. Jaishankar said.

He also held an interesting conversation with think tank representatives of South Korea.

“Our exchanges and interaction would only increase as the convergences between our two countries grow,” Mr. Jaishankar said.

During the visit, he is also expected to meet with Korean dignitaries and the Indian community.

The Special Strategic Partnership between India and South Korea has expanded to diverse areas of cooperation, which include trade, investments, defence, education, science and technology and culture.

The JCM is expected to comprehensively review the entire gamut of bilateral cooperation and explore avenues for further strengthening it. It will also provide an opportunity for the two sides to exchange views on regional and global issues of mutual interest, the Ministry of External Affairs said in New Delhi ahead of Jaishankar’s visit.