The case of Bangladesh was a little bit different and India had also benefitted from joint projects. File photo
| Photo Credit: ANI

“India was not engaged in financial assistance and projects with neighbouring countries such as Sri Lanka and Bangladesh with a view to controlling these countries’ internal political dynamics,” External Affairs S. Jaishankar said. He made these remarks while answering questions after a discussion at the Asia Society Policy Institute in New York.

Also Read: Bangladesh-India relations should be based on equity and fairness: Chief Adviser Yunus

The Minister said the financial assistance of around $4.5 billion that India has given Sri Lanka was not offered with conditionalities, referring to a bail-out given to Sri Lanka at the peak of the island nation’s economic crisis in 2022.

“It was not that we had a political conditionality which accompanied that. I mean, we were doing it as a good neighbour who did not want to see that kind of economic meltdown at our doorstep,” he said, responding to a question about an apparent lack of benefit in return for unconditional aid provided to Sri Lanka and Bangladesh.

“So I think what happens politically in Sri Lanka, that’s for their politics to work with at the end of the day,” the Minister said, adding that it was not India’s intention to suggest that the political dynamics in its neighbouring countries ought to adhere to what was better for India.

The questioner had asked about attacks on minorities, specifically Hindus and Buddhists, in Bangladesh, after the fall of the Sheikh Hasina administration. The Modi administration has in several instances raised the issue of attacks on Hindu minorities and temples in other countries with the governments in these countries.

The case of Bangladesh was a little bit different, as per Mr. Jaishankar and India had also benefitted from joint projects.

“So I would urge you not to be deterministic about it, he said, adding, “It’s not as though India is seeking to control every political move of every neighbour.”

In August 2024, Bangladesh witnessed one of the most significant political upheavals in its recent history.

Also Read: Bangladesh jailbreaks a worry for India: think tank

What began as a protest against a controversial quota system in government jobs evolved into a nationwide movement that ultimately led to the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh’s longest serving political leader (from 1996-2001 and 2009-2024). The irony is that both the government and the students were initially aligned in their desire for quota reform, with the government preparing to appeal against the court order that led to the restoration of the quota system. The inevitable question then is what could have gone so wrong that the world’s longest serving female head of government was ousted within a week?

This movement was primarily led by students not affiliated with any political party, making it a genuinely organic uprising. The spark that ignited the protests came on June 5, when the High Court re-established a job quota reserving 30% of civil service posts for the children and grandchildren of freedom fighters of Bangladesh’s liberation war. This reignited a long-standing debate about the fairness of the quota system in government employment.

Also Read: Our intelligence failed to predict Bangladesh crisis, say experts

Initially, protests were peaceful and as the movement gained momentum, by July 7, students had escalated their actions, staging blockades and demanding rescinding of the quota. On July 10, a student’s blockade severely affected Dhaka’s transport system.

As the movement grew, so did the tension between the protesters and authorities. On July 14, a controversial statement by Prime Minister Hasina, referring to protesters as the “children of Razakars” (collaborators of Pakistani forces during the 1971 war), inflamed the situation. Ms. Hasina’s aggressive stance and derogatory comments aggravated the protesters, and the government had to shut down the internet to disrupt communication among protesters.

The last nail in the coffin was unleashing the Bangladesh Chhatra League, the much despised student wing of the ruling Awami League, who attacked protesters, which rapidly escalated and galvanised the movement as protests spread nationwide, with students from schools, colleges, and private universities joining. Major highways and railway lines were blocked, bringing much of the country to a standstill.

The government announced indefinite closure of all educational institutes. The situation reached a critical point on July 18 when approximately 20 students were killed amid clashes between the protesters and police. Thus, negotiations between the government and protest leaders began on July 19. However, these talks were marred by allegations of government coercion and the disappearance of key coordinators.

The beginning of the end

On July 21, the Supreme Court reduced the quota percentage from 30% to 7%. This was seen as a potential breakthrough, but it failed to quell the unrest due to the arrests of student protest coordinators. The movement persisted, with protesters resuming large-scale demonstrations on July 29 after the government ignored an ultimatum to release their leaders.

On August 2, the situation escalated with renewed clashes between protesters and police. The movement reached its climax on August 3 when the students movement announced their single key demand — the resignation of Sheikh Hasina. They called for a non-cooperation movement from August 4, effectively marking the end of the quota protests and the beginning of a broader anti-government movement. Violence shook the nation, with the death toll climbing to a nearly 100 people — the highest and deadliest death toll for a single-day protest in the nation’s history.

Public anger mounted, and on August 5 the “March to Dhaka” brought hundreds of thousands to the streets in Dhaka and other surrounding towns. It was at this point that law enforcers realised the situation was beyond control and advised Ms. Hasina to step down. She reportedly refused and urged for more forceful measures to subdue the crowd. In a crucial turn of events, the army refused to comply. Faced with a refusal from the military and a massive public uprising, Ms. Hasina finally fled the country. A revolution spearheaded by students succeeded in toppling an increasingly authoritarian regime that had been in power for 15 years.

The opposition and India’s position

Throughout this period, protests were marked by a complex interplay of various actors. Students formed the core of the movement, but with the loss of innocent lives, it increasingly became a mass popular movement joined by parents, teachers, lawyers, cultural activists, artists, professionals and civil society members. The international community also took notice, with organisations like UNICEF expressing concern over the deaths of at least 32 children during the crackdown. The protests highlighted deep-seated issues in Bangladesh’s political and social fabric, including concerns about authoritarian rule, lack of participative democracy, nepotism, corruption, and suppression of dissent.

In the aftermath of Ms. Hasina’s departure, there was an outpouring of pent-up anger towards anything associated with her and the Awami League. This included desecration of statues and murals of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, father of Sheikh Hasina who led Bangladesh’s war of liberation. Even if there is some element of truth in Awami League’s claim that the student movement was exploited by opposition parties, led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the right wing Jamaat-e-Islami, it does not take away from the fact that anger and discontent had been fuelling below the surface for a long time due to Ms. Hasina’s repressive style of governance wherein she suppressed opposition and presided over three controversial, non-participative elections in 2014, 2018, and 2024. If the opposition took advantage, hiding behind the cloak of the student movement, and unleashed unacceptable violence resulting in the loss and damage of public property and killing of law enforcers, Awami League can’t avoid responsibility by letting a one-point quota reform movement spiral out of control because of the sheer arrogance and high handedness it displayed from the very beginning.

The Indian government’s response, articulated by Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar on August 6, was notable for its omission of human rights violations and killings that had occurred. It appeared to downplay the democratic nature of the movement, instead framing it in a way that aligned with the Awami League’s narrative of external instigation. This approach has been criticised for failing to recognise the genuine grievances and widespread public discontent that fuelled the protests. India’s policy of turning a blind eye to Ms. Hasina’s exercise of hard power, often justified by some of the commendable economic progress and relative stability achieved during her rule, did not go well in Bangladesh. Most Bangladeshis view India’s relations as being aligned with one particular party and one person as opposed to the people of Bangladesh. This presents a challenge for India’s diplomacy and the need for having a more nuanced understanding of Bangladesh’s socio-political landscape.

As aptly stated by Shivshankar Menon, India’s former National Security Adviser and Foreign Secretary, “Primarily, it was a people’s movement. It was a revolution on the streets, and we should recognise it as such rather than looking for foreign influences or purely political explanations.” Additionally, the role of a section of the Indian media did not go well in Bangladesh where exaggerations and at times outright fake news, as verified by credible sources like BBC, about the persecution of Hindu minorities generated anger and resentment in Bangladesh when policies such as the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019 and the persecution of Muslims in India in the last decade are fresh in their minds. While there may have been instances of attacks on minorities, what was notable is the open public vigil by students, activists, and even opposition parties against attack on minorities, particularly Hindus, with helplines and phone numbers given out for seeking support should any such attack take place. Professor Muhammad Yunus visited the Dhakeshwari National Temple, exchanged greetings with leaders of the Hindu community, and assured them of their safety and security.

What next?

As the movement transitioned from quota reform protests to a broader call for political change, Bangladesh is entering unchartered territory. Depending on how things unfold in the coming months as the interim government takes the reign of power, South Asia’s rising star is facing one of its biggest challenges on the path to achieving a pluralistic society based on democratic principles, rule of law, good governance, inclusive growth, and human rights. The events of 2024 would have far-reaching implications for the country’s political landscape, governance structures, and social dynamics.

Also Read: Nearly 650 people killed in recent spate of violence in Bangladesh: UN report

Given the open enmity Ms. Hasina displayed against the interim government leader Prof. Yunus, including the alleged corruption charges brought about by her government against the Nobel laureate, which he termed as politically motivated, the challenge for Prof. Yunus would be to rise to the occasion and hold a free, fair, and participative election in contrast to what the Awami League did for 15 years.

For India, the takeaway is the importance of engaging with the broader population rather than relying solely on relationships with one individual or party. Embracing the truth helps in the long run as opposed to either being in a state of denial or continuing the justification of misperceptions. After all, Bangladeshis know their country better than outsiders, including their friends and neighbours.

Syed Munir Khasru is chairman of the Institute for Policy, Advocacy and Governance, an international think tank.

Chaitey gelaam odhikaar, hoye gelaam razakar!

In the tsunami of slogans that swept away the Sheikh Hasina government earlier this month, this particular one (“We asked for our rights but became razakars”), dripping with sarcasm, stood out as the summary of the political history of Bangladesh’s independent existence. As her law and order machinery overplayed their hands, Ms. Hasina described the protesters as ‘razakars’, the anti-liberation forces of 1971 who opposed Bangladesh’s freedom. But it turned out that Ms. Hasina, despite her best efforts, failed to contain the anti-liberation forces that were most effectively represented by the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh.

During her 15-year prime ministerial tenure, one of the most dramatic moments came in the early morning of May 11, 2016 when Motiur Rahman Nizami, the leader of JeI Bangladesh, was hanged to death in the Dhaka central prison. That Nizami, once one of the most powerful figures in the country, could be hanged showed that the JeI had become weak after relentless attacks by the Hasina government.

The JeI’s weakness was further proved when its footsoldiers failed to mobilise themselves in protest against Nizami’s death. Nizami represented the might of the JeI in Bangladesh. On May 13, 1971, as the Pakistani military’s ‘Operation Searchlight’ rolled on, attacking those who opposed the freedom movement of Bangladesh, a large contingent of the Pakistan Army reached Demra in the western part of the country and, with the help of the collaborators, killed a large number of civilians. A War Crimes Tribunal set up by the Hasina government conducted an inquiry and found that it was the Al Badr militia, led by Nizami, that supported the Pakistan military in carrying out the Demra massacre.

The JeI Bangladesh is an offshoot of the Jamaat-e-Islami, which was established on August 26, 1941 in Lahore. Soon after its emergence, the JeI opposed the Pakistan movement of Mohammed Ali Jinnah. However, after the formation of the state of Pakistan, it reinvented itself by demanding an Islamic Constitution and Islamic regime. In East Pakistan, Ghulam Azam spearheaded the Islamic movement.

In 1954, Ghulam Azam joined the JeI and with his leadership the JeI became a strong movement in East Pakistan as well. It was during this time that the JeI founded its student wing (today Chhatra Shibir in Bangladesh). The JeI in East Pakistan faced the first crackdown under the government of President Ayub Khan, who banned the organisation under an order which remained in force until 1962. In 1963, the outfit revived itself as part of a campaign against the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961, which was opposed by the anti-Ayub Khan parties. In the next election of 1965, Fatima Jinnah, sister of Mohammed Ali Jinnah, contested against Ayub Khan. This marked a dramatic turn in the history of the JeI as the outfit, including its chief ideologue Maulana Maududi, went against their fundamental tenets and supported a woman candidature in an election. This experiment with democracy would be an example that the outfit would subsequently replicate.

Mujib’s opponent

It was after the defeat of Fatima Jinnah that the JeI’s East Pakistan wing became more focused on the politics in Dhaka where it emerged as the chief opponent of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Sheikh Mujib wanted a federal system for East and West Pakistan which would include two separate currencies and separate forex reserves for the two wings. He also demanded a separate paramilitary for East Pakistan. The recasting of the JeI’s political position against Mujib brought the movement closer to its former arch enemy, President Ayub Khan. As Pakistan moved towards the polls of December 7, 1970, the JeI contested the polls and won four seats in the National Assembly. As the movement for Bangladesh intensified, the JeI became part of the official move to preserve Pakistan in its undivided form.

After the defeat of the Pakistan military in the 1971 war, Ghulam Azam, leader of the JeI, left Bangladesh and for sometime lived in London and Pakistan while campaigning for the re-establishment of East Pakistan. Azam’s citizenship was nullified by the Mujib government in 1973 when the country held its first election. After a period of uncertainty, the JeI Bangladesh was launched in 1979 with Azam as the emir and Abbas Ali Khan as the emir-in-charge. In 1986, the JeI Bangladesh contested the election and got 10 seats. It campaigned against the government of President Hossein Mohammed Ershad. In 1990, during the stormy anti-Ershad movement that was led by Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League and Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), JeI leaders delivered speeches in support of popular democracy. In the election of 1991 that brought Ms. Zia to power, the JeI Bangladesh won 18 seats.

The biggest turnaround in the history of the JeI Bangladesh came on December 6, 1992 when the Babri Masjid was demolished in Ayodhya. The outfit took advantage of public sentiment and established itself as a voice of the religious majority in Bangladesh. Through a court ruling, Ghulam Azam got back his Bangladesh citizenship. In a twist of irony, in 1996, the JeI joined hands with the Awami League and launched a movement for establishing a caretaker government that would hold the next election. The two parties, however, did not form a coalition during the election that brought Ms. Hasina as the Prime Minister for the first time. From the margins, the JeI came into the core of Bangladesh politics in 1998 when it reached an understanding with the BNP.

In 1999,the JeI joined a BNP-led four party alliance. With the JeI becoming a mainstream political player, Ghulam Azam withdrew from active politics and Motiur Rahman Nizami became the emir. In the 2001 election, the JeI won 18 seats and Nizami became a Minister, holding the portfolios of agriculture and industry. It was during this time that the outfit warmed its ties with the JeI Pakistan. As the Zia government became unpopular, the JeI Bangladesh also bore the brunt and its leaders were caught in the vortex as they repeatedly made derogatory remarks about the 1971 liberation war that infuriated the public and prompted Ms. Hasina to pledge that the Awamil league would set up a war crimes tribunal if she returned to power. The opportunity to form this tribunal came in 2009 when the Jatiyo Sansad passed the unanimous resolution setting up the war crimes tribunal.

New tactics

After the execution of Nizami, the JeI, under the leadership of Shafiqur Rahman (in picture), has renovated its tactics and replaced its earlier anti-liberation rhetoric with sophisticated social media outreach. It also strengthened its presence in coaching centres and liberal universities where the heavy handed policies of the Hasina government had triggered a backlash. Ms. Hasina, in one last acts of reprisal, banned the JeI. But she was too late.

The JeI has taken revenge for the execution of Nizami. Just like the 1990 movement against the military dictatorship, this time too the JeI participated in a pro-democracy movement. In 1990, the JeI joined hands with the Awami League and the BNP to overthrow the Ershad regime. In 2024, they joined hands with students to overthrow Ms. Hasina.

Washington:

The United States is in touch with India and other countries in the region regarding the situation in Bangladesh and is seeking an end to the violence there, a State Department official has said.

“I’m not going to get into private diplomatic discussions but we continue to push for an end to violence in Bangladesh, accountability and for the respect for rule of law,” US State Department Deputy Spokesperson Vedant Patel said at his daily news conference on Wednesday.

He was responding to a question regarding the communication between India and the US on the situation in Bangladesh following the collapse of the Sheikh Hasina government.

“We have been in touch with our Indian partners as well as other countries in the region to discuss recent events in Bangladesh,” Patel said.

He also welcomed Bangladesh’s Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus’ statement, calling for calm and an end to the recent violence. “We welcome the new government’s focus on restoring security and protection of members of minority communities as well,” Patel said.

Meanwhile, the Hindu American Foundation on Wednesday urged the White House to act to protect the minority Hindu community in Bangladesh.

“Latest reports are that the President (Joe Biden) is not commenting on the plight of Bangladeshi Hindus despite continuing reports of attacks,” the foundation said.

“Demand Action Now! The silence from President, Vice President and Secretary Blinken on the atrocities against #BangladeshiHindus is unacceptable. Lives lost, homes & temples destroyed – yet no condemnation from our US government,” it said in a post on X.

Washington-based NGO HinduACTion claimed that Hindus in rural areas of Bangladesh are being targeted the most.

“Their remoteness allows the Islamists more freedom and time to target them. Now that Mohammad Yunus is the new caretaker leaders, should the Vice President and the State Department work towards enabling grassroots education and awareness that ensures that the country’s Madrassa curriculum and the public discourse is purged of its anti-Hindu theological content.

“We hope the president and his advisors realize that if Bangladesh loses the last eight per cent of its Hindus, it will be a Taliban state with a lot of tree canopy cover,” it said on X.
 

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

Washington:

The United States is in touch with India and other countries in the region regarding the situation in Bangladesh and is seeking an end to the violence there, a State Department official has said.

“I’m not going to get into private diplomatic discussions but we continue to push for an end to violence in Bangladesh, accountability and for the respect for rule of law,” US State Department Deputy Spokesperson Vedant Patel said at his daily news conference on Wednesday.

He was responding to a question regarding the communication between India and the US on the situation in Bangladesh following the collapse of the Sheikh Hasina government.

“We have been in touch with our Indian partners as well as other countries in the region to discuss recent events in Bangladesh,” Patel said.

He also welcomed Bangladesh’s Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus’ statement, calling for calm and an end to the recent violence. “We welcome the new government’s focus on restoring security and protection of members of minority communities as well,” Patel said.

Meanwhile, the Hindu American Foundation on Wednesday urged the White House to act to protect the minority Hindu community in Bangladesh.

“Latest reports are that the President (Joe Biden) is not commenting on the plight of Bangladeshi Hindus despite continuing reports of attacks,” the foundation said.

“Demand Action Now! The silence from President, Vice President and Secretary Blinken on the atrocities against #BangladeshiHindus is unacceptable. Lives lost, homes & temples destroyed – yet no condemnation from our US government,” it said in a post on X.

Washington-based NGO HinduACTion claimed that Hindus in rural areas of Bangladesh are being targeted the most.

“Their remoteness allows the Islamists more freedom and time to target them. Now that Mohammad Yunus is the new caretaker leaders, should the Vice President and the State Department work towards enabling grassroots education and awareness that ensures that the country’s Madrassa curriculum and the public discourse is purged of its anti-Hindu theological content.

“We hope the president and his advisors realize that if Bangladesh loses the last eight per cent of its Hindus, it will be a Taliban state with a lot of tree canopy cover,” it said on X.
 

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

Bangladeshi Army officers stand guard at the Bangladesh Secretariat in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on August 7, 2024.
| Photo Credit: PTI

Several residents across Bangladesh spent a sleepless night as they gathered in groups to guard the streets amid fears of robbery and looting by criminals in the violence-hit country, where an interim government headed by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus is all set to take oath on Thursday (August 8, 2024).

Also read: BSF stops entry of 120 people from Bangladesh

Security concerns have gripped the country since Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s ouster on Monday as police observed a work abstention, citing fears for their safety amid reports of deadly attacks on security personnel.

Follow Bangladesh crisis LIVE Updates here

The Yunus-led interim government – appointed by President Mohammed Shahabuddin who had dissolved the parliament – is set to take oath in the evening after weeks of tumultuous student protests that forced Hasina to resign and flee the country.

The chaos and fear created by the deadly protests remained. Gangs of criminals have been looting and robbing homes in the absence of law enforcers over the last two days.

Many residents spent a sleepless night on Wednesday amid fears of robbery and looting. From one end of Dhaka to another, particularly Uttara to Mohammadpur, people were concerned about their safety.

Facebook users were posting in different groups and streaming live. Residents in many areas, including in Uttara and Mohammadpur, formed neighbourhood watch groups to stand guard, bdnews24.com news portal reported.

Nazvi Islam, a part-time teacher at Dhaka University and resident of Mohammadpur’s Bosila, said that robbers had terrorised the area on Tuesday night. Mosques were regularly making announcements, asking everyone to remain on alert.

On Wednesday night, residents gathered in groups to guard the streets with sticks and bats. Hundreds of students from the local madrasa also came to guard the area. After standing watch all night, they returned home in the morning. The students divided themselves into small groups and guarded the government buildings and public properties.

Zakirul Islam, a resident of Chanmia Housing in Mohammadpur, said guards were posted at the gates to the housing area on Wednesday night, but residents still could not sleep due to fear.

Abir Hossain, a resident of Mirpur-14, where many government officials live, says that everyone panicked when news spread that robbers had entered their housing complex.

“Last night, a group of people carrying local weapons came and attacked a neighbouring house. They forcefully opened the main gate and looted cash and jewellery,” The Daily Star newspaper quoted a resident of the Naboday Housing area as saying.

Many Facebook users posted or live-streamed videos of robbers attacking a building in the ECB Chattar area adjacent to the Mirpur cantonment. Sounds of Army patron sirens could be heard in the videos.

People posted on Facebook about the attacks and robberies throughout the night. Many have questioned where so many robbers had sprung up from.

Most ATMs were out of cash and even many bank branches were running low on cash as the money supply had been disrupted due to inadequate security, The Daily Star reported, citing bankers.

“Overall, I visited almost 10 booths but failed to withdraw a single penny. Either they had run out of money or restricted the use of ATM cards issued by other banks,” Nasir Hossain, a resident of the capital’s Dhanmondi area, was quoted as saying by the paper.

Managing Director of Pubali Bank Mohammad Ali said although there is no cash crisis in the banking sector, they have been unable to deliver money to booths and branches as security companies that transport money have halted services.

“The security agencies that carry our cash told us that they will not provide services in the current situation,” he said.

Hence, banks are struggling to supply money, especially to remote branches and booths, he added.

Meanwhile, political parties in the country discussed the structure of the interim Cabinet.

The anti-discrimination student movement has reportedly prepared a list of 15 names in the interim government. The list will be finalised after discussions with Yunus after he returns home on Thursday. According to multiple sources in the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, the leaders of the student movement met BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir yesterday and discussed the list.

The anti-discrimination student movement has formed a liaison committee to discuss the list with various parties.