Tamil Nadu Chief Minister and DMK president M.K. Stalin contended that the State did not substantially benefit during the erstwhile rule of AIADMK government. File
| Photo Credit: N. Rajesh

Vahiri tribals at Pallavarayanpettai in Mayiladuthurai district have been enduring poor living conditions, lack of land pattas, and social neglect.
| Photo Credit: R. VENGADESH

Kamsalai, the heroine of Jayakanthan’s novella Cinemavukku Pona Chitthalu, is a microcosm of the wider political landscape of Tamil Nadu, susceptible to the charisma of film personalities. She belongs to an era when former Chief Minister M.G. Ramachandran wielded enormous influence over Tamil society.

A diehard fan of ‘Vaathyar’, as Jayakanthan refers to MGR, Kamsalai — whose real name remains unknown — lives on the margins of Chennai and represents the innumerable admirers of MGR who refused to see what lay beneath the glitter of filmdom.

The novella unmistakably evokes contemporary trends in politics, where many supporters of actor-politician C. Joseph Vijay defend their stance saying, “We are fatigued by the binary politics and are voting for a change.”

Jayakanthan was criticised for writing the novella, and some sought to capitalise on his work to settle scores with MGR. “I have openly expressed my views on the relationship between our society and actors. That I do not belong to groups that support them is precisely what I seek to convey — that I negate them,” wrote Jayakanthan when the novella, serialised in the magazine Kannadasan, was later published as a book.

Kamsalai, a village girl who moves to Chennai after her marriage to Chellamuthu, becomes MGR’s ardent admirer, aided by the opportunity to watch all his films. In a sense, her husband is responsible for this transformation. Yet, she reaches a point where she imagines her matinee idol even during moments of intimacy with her husband.

“Ignorant and credulous people lose their self-respect because of them. Films, actors, directors, and producers play a major role in destroying the mind, taste, and morals of the people. In fact, they themselves cannot be held entirely responsible, for they too, have fallen prey to it,” Jayakanthan wrote in the preface.

Written in Chennai slang, it delves deep into the minds of its characters, mostly MGR’s admirers. The relationship between Kamsalai and Chellamuthu becomes strained, and eventually irreparable, after he realises the depth of her obsession. One day, she moves close to him after seeing MGR’s portrait printed on his vest, but turns cold when he draws her towards him. A disappointed Chellamuthu tears apart the vest and rips down a calendar bearing MGR’s image from the wall of their hut. Yet, guilt soon overwhelms him — for he too, is a devotee of MGR.

“Vathyare!.. Vathyare! Forgive me, Vathyare. I am only human, am I not? That is why I acted in anger. What can you do, Vathyare? It is not just Kamsalai, poor fool — there are many such fools in this city because of you. What can you do?” laments Chellamuthu.

From that moment, he resolves not to send her out to work, fearing it would give her the means to watch MGR’s films. She agrees, and a quiet distance begins to grow between them.

She reconciles herself to the role of a homemaker, spending time indoors. Her passion is rekindled when she notices the posters of a new film — Kodiyil Oruvan (in reality Ayirathil Oruvan) — and another rickshaw puller, Singaram, who rents his vehicle to Chellamuthu, persuades her to watch the film with him. “When a tree is about to fall on the heroine, Vaathyar rushes to her from nowhere, and seeks to prevent it by taking the blow on his back. The sound of whistles in appreciation fills the theatre. Kamsalai covers her face with hands and watches the scene through the gap between her fingers. It is then that Singaram kisses her.” She then spends a night with him. Overwhelmed by guilt, she decides not to return to Chellamuthu. No amount of persuasion by Chellamuthu makes her change her mind.

Manonmani, the woman who runs the brothel, with the help of film stuntmen, takes her to watch the shooting of a film starring Vaathyar. Normally, others are not allowed to watch the shooting because his wig would come off during fight scenes. However, Kamsalai and the other women gain access. During the shoot, a heated argument between Vaathyar and the villain results in a fight, and Vaathyar is stabbed. This incident is based on the real-life episode in which MGR was shot by M.R. Radha. Kamsalai runs to the hospital where Vaathyar is admitted and stays through the night. She loses her mind when someone tells her that Vaathyar died.

Chellamuthu later spots her near the Kannagi statue, covering her body with cinema posters. She sings and dances as a crowd watches her. She runs away on seeing him. He later finds her on Pycrofts Road, leaning against a poster of Vaathyar and crying. He tells her that Vaathyar is alive. “You are lying,” she says. “Ask them,” he replies, pointing to a man. “He survived,” the man says. She agrees to go with him on the rickshaw. As they pass the Kannagi statue, he laughs. “Is it not my statue?” she asks. “Yes, yes,” nods Chellamuthu. “Ore Muraithaan Unnodu,” she begins to sing. “You also sing.” Chellamuthu joins her. Tears roll down his eyes, but she does not notice. She is looking at the posters — ones she had already seen.

Published – April 07, 2026 12:14 am IST

The home voting facility for voters aged 85 years and above and those in the persons with disabilities (PwD) category has been extended until Monday, election officials said on Sunday. As of Sunday evening, 96% of voters in the 85-plus category and 97.4% of PwD voters who had opted for the home voting option have exercised their franchise. In Kerala, 1,39,871 of the 1,45,598 voters in the 85-plus category and 60,568 of the 62,159 voters in the PwD category have exercised this option to vote, according to data released by the office of the Chief Electoral Officer (Kerala).

Since March 30, the CEO’s office has deployed 2,500 polling teams for the home voting arrangement. Meanwhile, 73.13% of voters in 14 essential services including police, fire and rescue service, media and health services also have cast their votes so far. Of the 29,812 police officers who applied for postal ballots, 22,464 have cast their votes. The CEO’s office said extensive arrangements have been made for voter facilitation centres and postal voting centres across the State.

Read the story here

The AIADMK has mounted an unusually intense campaign in the Cauvery delta districts of Mayiladuthurai and Nagapattinam, reading the electoral terrain as more favourable than the 2021 verdict might suggest. Contesting directly in four of the six Assembly segments across the two districts — while ceding the remaining two to its NDA allies — the party is banking on a combination of a good vote base, perceived anti-incumbency, and micro-level mobilisation to tilt the scales in its favour.

In 2021, the AIADMK in four seats in these districts and won only in Vedaranyam. However, party strategists point to the narrow margins of defeat in the remaining constituencies as evidence that its core support remains intact. The inference within the party is that even a marginal swing could alter outcomes in at least a few segments this time.

At the heart of its campaign narrative is the allegation that the DMK government had failed to deliver significant infrastructure in the region over the past five years — a line the AIADMK believes was resonating, particularly in rural and coastal belts.

S. Pownraj, Mayiladuthurai district secretary, two-time MLA, and the party’s candidate from Poompuhar, is confident that the “ground looks bright”. He pointed to the party fielding M. Sathi, a former MLA, in Sirkazhi, recalling her development record. At the same time, he acknowledged that the DMK’s decision to allocate Sirkazhi to the MDMK — contesting on the Rising Sun symbol — could lend the alliance a structural advantage.

Yet, the AIADMK sees openings. The initial ambiguity over the MDMK’s choice of symbol in Sirkazhi is viewed by party functionaries as having blunted early campaign momentum. In contrast, AIADMK candidates have been on the ground for months, building booth-level connections.

A key addition to the party’s social coalition is P. Kaliyammal, who polled 14,823 votes as a Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK) candidate in 2021 and has since joined the AIADMK. Her induction is expected to consolidate support among fishing communities in both Poompuhar and Sirkazhi — constituencies where the party traditionally claims an edge.

Electorally, Poompuhar remains a competitive seat. Created in 1977, it has seen the AIADMK win six of eleven elections. In 2021, Mr. Pownraj lost by 3,299 votes, securing 92,803 votes. In Sirkazhi (SC), the party’s 2021 candidate P.V. Bharathi lost by 12,148 votes, polling 81,909 votes — a deficit the party believes is bridgeable.

In Nagapattinam district, Vedaranyam remains the AIADMK’s strongest foothold. Former Minister O.S. Manian, a two-time MLA, had won the seat in 2021 by 12,329 votes. Known for his sustained engagement with both fishing and rural communities, Mr. Manian has reportedly begun booth-level consolidation exercises months in advance, focusing on reactivating “missing voters” within the party’s traditional base.

His efforts have been complemented by outreach to community leaders, including securing the support of G.M. Sridhar Vandayar of the Moovendar Munnetra Kazhagam on Sunday — seen as a move to retain caste-aligned vote banks, particularly as the DMK has fielded a candidate from the same community.

Despite this, the contest is not without complications. The Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK) candidate A. Kingsley Gerald, formerly of the AMMK, is expected to cut into the AIADMK’s vote share. Similarly, NTK’s first time fielded Idumbavanam Karthick — a locally rooted party’s star speaker — could improve upon the party’s 2021 tally of 9,106 votes, potentially affecting margins.

In Nagapattinam constituency, AIADMK’s Thanga Kathiravan, who lost by 7,238 votes in 2021 with 59,043 votes, is once again in the fray. The party is attempting to leverage the “outsider” tag against the DMK’s ally candidate from the Manithaneya Makkal Katchi, while projecting Kathiravan’s local connect.

However, candidate selection has triggered unease. Sections of the fishing community expressed dissatisfaction over the absence of community representation in candidate choices in both districts. The sidelining of former Minister K.A. Jayapal in Nagapattinam has added to the discontent. The entry of TVK’s district secretary Sukumar — also from the fishing community — could further fragment this vote.

At the alliance level, the AIADMK is counting on the BJP’s organisational growth in rural areas over the past five years. Yet, ground reports suggest a pragmatic, if uneasy, arrangement: AIADMK leaders are said to be campaigning independently in Muslim-majority areas, often leaving BJP cadres out of such engagements.

“The BJP understands the sensitivities,” an AIADMK candidate said and noted that independent outreach to local jamaths has elicited positive responses.

Internal discontent within the two DMK’s district units is being quietly factored into AIADMK’s calculations.

Ultimately, while four constituencies appear competitive on paper, party insiders concede the decisive variable may lie with smaller players. The extent to which TVK and NTK candidates cut into the AIADMK’s vote base could determine whether the party converts its perceived momentum into actual gains.

Published – April 05, 2026 10:09 pm IST

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is set to visit Cooch Behar district on Sunday (April 5, 2026) to launch the BJP’s campaign for the West Bengal Assembly elections, a senior party leader said.

Mr. Modi is scheduled to address the BJP’s ‘Bijoy Sankalpa Sabha’ at the historic Ras Mela grounds in the afternoon, marking the start of the party’s intensified outreach in north Bengal, with the aim of consolidating grassroots support in a region that has become a saffron stronghold over the years and a critical electoral battlefield.

During the rally, the PM is expected to outline the party’s vision for a “developed West Bengal”, highlight issues raised in the BJP’s recently released ‘People’s Chargesheet’ against the ruling TMC in the state, and focus on governance, law and order, and alleged corruption.

– PTI

The Election Commission on Thursday (March 26, 2026) said over ₹408.82 crore worth of illicit inducements, including ₹17.44 crore in cash, liquor worth ₹37.68 crore and drugs worth ₹167.38 crore, had been seized through a coordinated approach involving multi-enforcement agencies in the four States and one union territory going for Assembly polls next month.

CPI(M) general secretary M.A. Baby. File
| Photo Credit: PTI