The decision by the United States military to change the name of its naval command in the region from “US INDOPACOM” to “US PACOM” — United States Indo-Pacific Command to United States Pacific Command — reverting to its original name that was changed in 2018 can be dismissed as superficial, even trivial. Many have already responded with the Shakespearean “What’s in a name?”, even as the U.S. Department of War pointed out that US PACOM’s area of responsibility, from “the waters off the West Coast of the United States to the western border of India” or what had once been described as “Hollywood to Bollywood, from polar bears to penguins”, has never changed. In 2018, U.S. Defence Secretary Jim Mattis said that the name INDOPACOM was a recognition of the “growing significance” of the Indian Ocean, the Indian subcontinent, and India itself, and the U.S. dropped the term “Asia-Pacific” to “Indo-Pacific”.

Current U.S. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth gave the signal, on May 30, that this understanding has now changed, at his speech at the annual Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore — compared to more than 30 references to the “Indo-Pacific” in his speech in 2025, his speech this year contained not a single reference to the Indo-Pacific region or strategy.

Given the centre stage that the U.S.’s Indo-Pacific policy has had in India’s strategic calculus since 2018, it is necessary, therefore, to go beyond the superficial to the subterranean or submarine, in this case. New Delhi must study how broader trends in U.S. policy are attempting to recast both the region and India’s position within it in terms of three broader geographies.

U.S.-China ties and the Quad

The first, is the U.S.’s outreach to China, and concurrently diminishing salience of the Quad (India, Japan, Australia, the U.S.), which Beijing has always protested as an “exclusive clique” or derisively as “ocean foam”. In the long term, the U.S. and China cannot shy away from the fierce rivalry between them, but it is clear that in the immediate term, Trump 2.0 has decided to play nice.

U.S. President Donald Trump’s visit to Beijing in May 2026 and Chinese President Xi Jinping’s upcoming visit to the U.S. on September 24, indicate that the two sides do not want their differences to overcome the relationship, and the U.S. is tiptoeing around the Taiwan issue. Mr. Trump’s references to a “G-2”, including during a press availability with Mr. Modi on the sidelines of the 52nd G-7 summit in France (June 15 to 17), are an early warning of a plan to recast the world into “spheres of influence”, where China would be the predominant power in the continent, not as one pole in a multipolar Asia, as India envisions.

As a result, the Quad, rebuilt in Trump 1.0 as a counter to China in the region, appears to be floundering. The U.S.’s National Defense Strategy released in January 2026 does not mention the Quad even once. In terms of substance, the Quad’s combined agenda has been pared down to four areas of cooperation — maritime security, economic prosperity, critical and emerging minerals technology and disaster responses. Even within these limited objectives, there have been setbacks, such as over Artificial Intelligence cooperation. Despite Quad countries signing on to Pax Silica, and Critical Minerals Initiative Framework with the U.S., the Trump administration ordered Anthropic to end access to its latest models for all non-Americans.

Another question concerns the Quad Summit, which India has unsuccessfully sought to host since January 2024. During U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s visit to Delhi in May 2026, he offered no firm commitment that Mr. Trump would visit Delhi this year, amid indications that the Quad may be relegated to a Foreign Ministers’ level grouping. The U.S. Navy’s reported actions involving Iranian ship IRIS Dena (March 2006) and recent attacks on three ships in which three Indians were killed underscore maritime security and domain awareness concerns within the Quad framework. In July, when he hosts Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi and travels to Indonesia, Australia and New Zealand, Prime Minister Narendra Modi must discuss alternative maritime coalitions and revive the Australia-India-Japan trilateral.

The U.S.-Iran MoU and West Asia

The second geography of concern is West Asia. The U.S. ceasefire with Iran, after just a few months of a surprisingly badly planned war, is indicative of a general fatigue in Trump 2.0 with U.S. friends and allies in the region. The situation is even more volatile today than it was prior to February 28, especially given the short shrift Israel has received in negotiations with Iran, and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s defiance over the ceasefire for Lebanon.

A closer look at the 14-paragraph “Islamabad MoU” released by Iran reveals several signals for the region. Paragraph four states that the U.S. commits to “remove its forces from the proximity of the Islamic Republic of Iran” within 30 days after the final deal. Paragraph five says that, after the Hormuz Strait is demined, Iran and Oman will define the Strait’s future administration in consultation with Persian Gulf littoral states.

Paragraph 6 stipulates that the U.S., along with regional allies, will provide at least $300 billion for Iran’s reconstruction. These provisions imply commitments on behalf of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC) states while giving Iran leverage on key issues — military, connectivity, and economic security. Oman and Qatar are now closer to Iran than before and have been part of the Pakistan-led mediation process, while countries such as Saudi Arabia are seeking new security arrangements with Türkiye, Pakistan, and Ukraine.

India’s policy towards the region requires a rapid revision in light of the post-war, post-deal power structure. What was once a finely balanced approach now appears tilted towards Israel and the United Arab Emirates. New Delhi must also urgently reconsider its compliance with U.S. sanctions on Iranian oil and the Chabahar port, given Washington’s shifting positions.

The U.S. and South Asia

Finally, India must study the implications of U.S. foreign policy decisions in its neighbourhood. The appointment of Sergio Gor as both U.S. Ambassador to India and Special Envoy for South and Central Asia signals Washington’s growing regional ambitions. New Delhi has pushed back on attempts by the U.S. to become a supra entity in South Asia, as well as its efforts to resolve intra-regional conflicts between India and Pakistan. This ambition was hinted at during Operation Sindoor (May 2025), and repeated by Mr. Trump over the past year, especially as he met the Pakistani leadership many times in this period.

Mr. Gor’s recent travels to Kathmandu, Thimphu, Dhaka and Colombo indicate that the U.S. is keen to broaden its efforts across the region. In the absence of effective pan-regional frameworks such as the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) — both are constrained by New Delhi’s political tensions with Islamabad and Dhaka — it is clear that the U.S. is entering into competition with China for influence in South Asia.

Beijing has already built several mechanisms for cooperation with South Asia, and both powers side-stepping India. India, as chair of the Indian Ocean Rim Association, and with Mr. Modi due to attend the planned BIMSTEC summit in Bangladesh and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Pakistan next year, has an opportunity to reassert its regional leadership. Given the opportunities, a revival of the SAARC grouping and other pan-regional initiatives must be considered.

Concerns over the U.S.’s moves across India’s geographies may seem contrary to the bonhomie at the Modi-Trump meeting at the G-7 meet in France, and the red carpet for Mr. Rubio’s India visit. Shorn of the rhetoric, however, the trends in U.S. policy are clear, and New Delhi must plan accordingly, acknowledging that the shifts run far deeper than the ripples on the surface caused by a dropped prefix.

Published – June 25, 2026 12:16 am IST

India, the US, Australia and Japan came together 20 years ago to extend assistance in response to the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami. File
| Photo Credit: AP

India and other Quad member nations on Tuesday (December 31, 2024) renewed their firm commitment to work towards a free and open Indo-Pacific that is peaceful, stable and prosperous.

The Foreign Ministers of the member nations of the grouping made the pledge in a joint statement commemorating the 20th anniversary of Quad cooperation.

The Foreign Ministers said the Quad will work together in responding to the future needs of the Indo-Pacific, an assertion that came against the backdrop of China’s increasing muscle-flexing in the region.

India, the US, Australia and Japan came together 20 years ago to extend assistance in response to the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami. The coalition is now known as Quad.

“As four partners, we share a vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific that is peaceful, stable and prosperous, underpinned by effective regional institutions,” the joint statement said.

The Quad Foreign Ministers also talked about the centrality of the 10-nation grouping Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the Indo-Pacific.

“We reaffirm our unwavering support for ASEAN’s centrality and unity as well as mainstreaming and implementation of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific,” the Ministers said.

“We respect Pacific-led regional architecture, foremost the Pacific Islands Forum. We are also steadfast in our support for the Indian Ocean Rim Association, the region’s premier organisation,” they said.

“The Quad is committed to working together in responding to the future needs of the region,” they added.

The Quad Foreign Ministers also referred to the Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami and how the four countries came together to respond to the challenges.

“The tsunami was one of the worst disasters in history, claiming the lives of nearly a quarter million people and displacing 1.7 million across 14 countries,” they said.

“Together our four countries contributed over 40,000 emergency responders, working with other partners across the Indo-Pacific region to support millions of people affected by the catastrophe.”

In the statement, the Ministers further noted that the foundational commitment of the four nations to humanitarian assistance and disaster relief remains strong.

“We continue to work side-by-side to prepare for and respond quickly and effectively to disasters across the region,” they said.

“In 2024, our four countries collectively supported disaster preparedness and life-saving relief efforts across the Indo-Pacific and we continue to build on those efforts to identify new ways to respond rapidly to humanitarian crises and disasters,” they added.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian speaks during a press conference in Beijing, China. File.
| Photo Credit: Reuters

China on Monday (September 23, 2024) termed Quad as a tool used by the U.S. to contain Beijing, asserting that interference by any external force will not shake its determination to uphold its “sovereignty and maritime rights” in the disputed South and East China Seas.

The Quad, identified as the premier regional grouping in the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, is a tool used by Washington to contain China to perpetuate its hegemony, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Lin Jian told a media briefing, fielding a spate of questions on the Quad summit.

Also read | Our message is clear, Quad is here to stay: PM Modi at Leaders’ Summit

Hosted by President Joe Biden, the Quad Summit took place on Saturday in his hometown Wilmington, Delaware. The summit was attended by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese of Australia, and Prime Minister Fumio Kishida of Japan.

Mr. Lin accused the U.S. of pooling together countries to muster military and security cooperation under the pretext of maritime issues to contain China by peddling the China threat narrative.

The U.S. says Qaud doesn’t target China but the highest on its agenda is China, he said in a veiled reference to informal comments by Biden to fellow Quad leaders.

Mr. Biden was caught on a hot mic telling leaders of the Quad nations that China was testing them, thus reflecting upon the American seriousness of the emerging Chinese threat.

“We believe [Chinese President] Xi Jinping is looking to focus on domestic economic challenges and minimise the turbulence in China,” Mr. Biden told the leaders at the Summit.

The U.S. is lying through its teeth and even the media doesn’t believe it, Mr. Lin said, replying to a question about Mr. Biden’s comments.

Ganging up to form exclusive groupings undermines the mutual trust and cooperation between the regional countries, Mr. Lin said.

It runs counter to the overall trend of pursuing peace, development cooperation and prosperity in the Asia Pacific and it is bound to fail, he said.

Ever since the Quad started taking shape in 2007, China has been saying that the four-member grouping will be bound to fail. But much to the chagrin of Beijing, it picked up pace in the recent years emerging as a premier strategic group especially challenging China’s assertiveness in the disputed South China Sea.

In 2018, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi termed the Quad as a headline-grabbing idea and will dissipate like foam in the sea.

Commenting on the steady evolution of Quad and the outcome of the Delaware summit, the Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post said “By any measure, the Quad summit culminates a remarkable transformation for the framework of four nations over the course of its 17-year history”.

About the Quad summit expressing grave concern over the situation in the South China Sea and East China Sea, Lin said external interference will not shake China’s resolve to uphold its sovereignty and territorial integrity.

China claims most of the South China Sea. The Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan have overlapping claims.

The East China Sea dispute concerns claims and counterclaims by China and Japan.

Mr. Lin said the situation in the South China Sea and East China Sea is stable. Some countries outside the region are trying to interfere in China’s internal affairs by forming exclusive circles to escalate the situation.

“I want to stress that any inference of any forces will not shake China’s firm determination to uphold its territorial sovereignty, maritime rights interests, regional peace and stability,” he said, adding that China will lodge diplomatic protests to countries if they take any action to undermine Beijing’s sovereignty.

He also parried questions over the Quad announcing its first joint Coast Guard Mission at Sea and strengthening cooperation in the Indian Ocean region.

The Quad joint statement said, “We remain committed to strengthening cooperation in the Indian Ocean region. We strongly support IORA (Indian Ocean Rim Association) as the Indian Ocean region’s premier forum for addressing the region’s challenges. We recognize India’s leadership in finalising the IORA Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (IOIP) and express our support for its implementation”.

Mr. Lin said that cooperation between countries should be conducive to regional peace and prosperity rather than forming exclusive circles to undermine mutual trust and cooperation between countries.

China is open to countries for normal cooperation but relevant cooperation should not target other countries and undermine regional cooperation, peace and stability, he said.

US President Joe Biden hosted the Prime Ministers of India, Australia, and Japan for the fourth in-person Quad Leaders’ Summit at his hometown, Wilmington, last week. This summit was seen as crucial for multiple reasons. First, it was the last one to be attended by Biden, a key architect of the grouping’s institutionalisation, and Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, who played a pivotal role in adding political heft to the forum. Second, 2024 marks 20 years since the formation of the grouping. Third, and most importantly, the Wilmington summit further consolidated the grouping by expanding key areas of cooperation in the Indo-Pacific. Indeed, this summit has been successful in signalling – ‘The Quad is here to stay’.

At a time of highly complex global crises playing out in different parts of the world, the Quad leaders’ summit took place in the context of critical challenges and vital opportunities. With enduring wars in Europe and the Middle East, China’s belligerent activities in the Indo-Pacific region and emerging non-traditional security challenges in the region, the Quad had its task cut out. The Wilmington Declaration – the joint statement of the Quad leaders – amply addressed these critical questions.

The Wilmington Statement

The joint statement issued by the leaders of the Quad grouping in Wilmington exhibits continuity in responding to the war in Ukraine, reiterating the urgent need to put an end to the conflict and uphold the spirit of international law. Similarly, this year’s statement expressed concerns over ballistic missile launches conducted by North Korea and the need to prevent the proliferation of nuclear missiles and technologies. Additionally, the Wilmington Declaration focused on the ongoing conflict in Gaza as well.

The group shared its concerns over the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Gaza advocating for a sovereign, viable, and independent state of Palestine while remaining sensitive to the concerns of Israel. Apart from these, the statement further reiterated concerns over the worsening political and humanitarian situation in Myanmar, as well as attacks by the Houthis in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.
However, China remained the big-ticket question for the Quad in the Indo-Pacific context. On the China question, Quad’s response this year seems sharper than the previous years. Earlier, at the Quad Foreign Ministers’ meet, the grouping called Beijing out – albeit without naming it – for disregarding international law and unilaterally acting in the East and South China Sea region. Similarly, the Quad leaders expressed their concern over increasing militarisation in disputed pockets of the Indo-Pacific. Responding to the tensions in the region, the grouping condemned the use of coastguards and maritime militia vessels, which serve as China’s tactics for coercive and intimidating manoeuvres.

A Slew Of Announcements

Quad’s synergy on issues of maritime safety and security in the Indo-Pacific has also gained vital momentum at this summit. A joint coastguard-level cooperation among the four Quad countries – Quad-at-Sea Ship Observer Mission – proposed at the summit seeks to improve interoperability among the coastguard services of the four countries, advancing cooperation in the domain of maritime safety and security. Similarly, responding to the imminent challenges posed by natural calamities and disasters in the Indo-Pacific, the grouping announced the launch of the ‘Quad Indo-Pacific Logistics Network’, which is meant to pursue shared airlift capacities in a bid to improve cooperation in the domain of Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) activities.

Additionally, Quad’s efforts to bolster Maritime Domain Awareness through the Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA) received a significant push with Australia committing to involve the Pacific Islands Forum Fisheries Agency to enhance cooperation, as well as by the grouping proposing a new Maritime Initiative for Training in the Indo-Pacific (MAITRI). This summit further consolidated its regional partnerships through continued cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), and the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF). Notably, the Quad Fellowship programme has been expanded to include students from ASEAN countries demonstrating the grouping’s inclusion of regional partners in fostering people-to-people ties.

The slew of announcements made at this year’s Quad summit, and the resultant Wilmington Declaration, underscore the enduring promise and relevance of the grouping. While Quad continues to respond to critical geopolitical challenges in the world – specifically in the Indo-Pacific – it has also demonstrated a robust positive agenda to harness shared opportunities. 

Indeed, the Quad is here to stay, in pursuit of a free and open Indo-Pacific – one that is inclusive and resilient.

(Harsh V Pant is Vice President for Studies at ORF. Sayantan Haldar works with the Maritime Initiative at ORF)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s three-day visit to US started off with a bilateral meeting with US President Joe Biden. 

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s three-day visit to US started off with a bilateral meeting with US President Joe Biden. 

India does not seek its dominance but wants to play a role in the prosperity of the world, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said, asserting that India’s role will be crucial in accelerating the global peace process.

Referring to his remarks “This is not the time for war,” Mr. Modi told the diaspora that the severity and the seriousness of this was understood by all friends.

“Whenever in the world there is a disaster, India has come forward as a first responder,” the Prime Minister said, referring to the recent help provided by New Delhi to people across the world including during the COVID-19 crisis to more than 150 countries.

India is the first country to arrive whenever there is an earthquake somewhere or a civil war somewhere, he said.

“The role of India would be crucial to accelerate the process of global growth, and India’s role will be crucial to accelerate global peace,” he said.

– PTI

New Delhi:
Prime Minister Narendra Modi will meet the Indian diaspora at the Nassau Coliseum in New York today. Hours earlier, he attended the Quad Summit, where he put forward India’s views and commitments for global growth, development, peace and security.

Here’s your 10-point cheat sheet to this big story

New Delhi:
Prime Minister Narendra Modi will meet the Indian diaspora at the Nassau Coliseum in New York today. Hours earlier, he attended the Quad Summit, where he put forward India’s views and commitments for global growth, development, peace and security.

Here’s your 10-point cheat sheet to this big story