U.S. President Doanld Trump and the President of Poland Karol Nawrocki meet in the Oval Office at the White House in Washington, D.C., U.S., on September 3, 2025
| Photo Credit: Reuters

READ MORE

Strengthening cooperation between India and the European Union (EU) will be the priority of Poland, which took over the presidency of the top European body this month, said Polish Charge d’ affaires to India, Sebastian Domzalski.

Speaking to NDTV, Domzalski stressed that India is Poland’s strategic partner in Asia and said Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the European nation last year contributed to the bilateral relations and regional cooperation between the two nations.

Poland took over the EU presidency on January 1 and will be chairing the works of the body for the next six months.

“Given the difficult geopolitical environment in Europe and all around the globe, our priority will be security…Here in India, we are looking forward to continue contributing to the EU-India relationship,” Domzalski said.

Elaborating on Poland’s India strategy, he said, “We hope to be working very closely with India. Economic development and economic progress will be higher on our agenda. We are hoping to bring India and the EU closer with a discussion on the free trade agreement. We also hope to have the EU India summit early this year.”

Noting the significance of Prime Minister Modi’s Poland Visit in August last year, Domzalski said it would contribute to the EU-India relationship.

Prime Minister Modi visited Poland on August 21-22, 2024. It was the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister to Poland in the past 45 years.

Poland assumed its six-month presidency of the Council of the European Union on 1st January 2025. The presidency comes at a time of uncertainty and concern amid tensions between Russia and Ukraine. The Polish presidency is also hence, set to focus on European security. The presidency rotates among the EU’s 27 member states every six months. 

Last month, Hungary wrapped up its controversial presidency, as the country’s term began with a campaign titled “Make Europe Great Again”, very similar to the incoming US president’s “Make America Great Again” slogan.
 

Cristiano Ronaldo scored twice as Portugal thrashed Poland 5-1 thanks to a rampant second-half display on Friday to reach the Nations League quarter-finals, while already-qualified Spain beat Denmark. Roberto Martinez’s Portugal wrapped up top spot in Group A1 with a game to spare, securing their place in the next round in March. France, Germany and Italy are also already through to the last eight. Poland were the better side early on but failed to take their chances in Porto and the home side made them pay, netting four times in the last 20 minutes.

“We couldn’t impose ourselves on the game in the first half,” said Portugal goalscorer Rafael Leao.

“(Coach) Roberto Martinez’s approach in the locker room was important; it was the key to changing the pressure at half-time.” 

Ronaldo volleyed over from close range shortly before the interval, as Portugal failed to register a shot on target in the first half.

Dominik Marczuk almost broke the deadlock in the 58th minute, but Portugal goalkeeper Diogo Costa produced a brilliant fingertip save to deny him.

The hosts broke from the resulting corner to score less than 60 seconds later, as Leao powered forward before finding Nuno Mendes, then continuing his run to meet the Paris Saint-Germain full-back’s cross with a powerful header.

Portugal were awarded a penalty when Diogo Dalot’s strike flicked off Jakub Kiwior’s hand at point-blank range and was saved by Marcin Bulka.

Ronaldo stepped up to dink home a ‘Panenka’ spot-kick.

That goal ended any hopes Poland had of staging a comeback and Fernandes added a third for Portugal with 10 minutes left, crashing the ball in off the crossbar from just outside the box.

Pedro Neto also got on the scoresheet, collecting Ronaldo’s pass and rifling past Bulka at his near post.

There was still time for Ronaldo to double his tally and move onto 135 international goals, acrobatically volleying home Vitinha‘s cross from close range in the 87th minute.

Marczuk drilled in a consolation for Poland, but they can no longer qualify for the knock-out stages and will be relegated if they lose to Scotland next week.

In the other match in the group, Scotland gave their hopes of avoiding the drop a massive boost as John McGinn scored a late winner in a 1-0 victory over 10-man Croatia.

Petar Sucic was sent off in the first half, but Croatia almost hung on for the point they needed to qualify with Portugal, only for McGinn to strike in the 86th minute.

Spain roll on

European champions Spain stayed unbeaten in Group A4 with a 2-1 win over Denmark in Copenhagen.  

Luis de la Fuente’s visitors started strongly and went close to a 13th-minute opener when the in-form Ayoze Perez rattled the crossbar.

Spain took an early lead after Denmark carelessly gave the ball away on the edge of their own box.

Perez played in Mikel Oyarzabal who took an excellent first touch and slipped the ball past goalkeeper Kasper Schmeichel and in at the near post.

Villarreal forward Perez, who only made his international debut in June, doubled Spain’s advantage with a low, left-footed finish into the bottom corner after being picked out by Dani Olmo.

Gustav Isaksen pulled one back for Denmark late on, pouncing on a terrible mix-up between Fabian Ruiz and ‘keeper David Raya.

“A very, very happy night for me (with a goal and an assist), but the most important thing is going through top of the group,” Perez told uefa.com.

The other game in Group A4 saw Switzerland relegated by Aleksa Terzic’s late equaliser in a 1-1 draw with Serbia.

Romania’s Group C2 game against Kosovo in Bucharest was suspended in injury time and then abandoned with the game goalless after the visiting players walked off the pitch following chants of “Serbia” from the home fans.

“The UEFA Nations League match between Romania and Kosovo has been abandoned. UEFA will communicate further information in due course,” said governing body UEFA on its website.

In League D, San Marino kept their hopes of an unlikely promotion alive as Nicola Nanni scored an injury-time penalty to grab a 1-1 draw with Gibraltar.

File image of Robert Lewandowski.© AFP

Cristiano Ronaldo scored as Portugal beat Poland 3-1 for their third straight Nations League win on Saturday, while European champions Spain put an end to Denmark’s perfect start in the competition. Bernardo Silva volleyed Portugal ahead in the 26th minute in Warsaw as Bruno Fernandes cleverly nodded a cross from Ruben Neves back towards the Manchester City midfielder. Ronaldo then found himself in the right place at the right time to turn in the rebound for Portugal’s second after Rafael Leao’s shot came back off the post following a brilliant surging run by the AC Milan winger.

The 39-year-old Ronaldo has now struck in all three games of this Nations League campaign for Portugal, taking his record men’s international goals tally to 133.

Piotr Zielinski cut the deficit for Poland but Jan Bednarek‘s own goal sealed victory for Portugal, the lone remaining team in League A with a 100 percent record, and they could secure a place in the quarter-finals next week.

“We worked very hard the last few days, preparing various solutions for this game, and we were able to show it on the pitch. I am really satisfied because we controlled this game,” said Portugal coach Roberto Martinez. 

“We played great as a team.”

Portugal have a maximum nine points in Group A1, three ahead of Croatia who beat Scotland 2-1 to condemn their opponents to a third successive defeat in the section.

Ryan Christie’s first half-goal gave Scotland a shock lead in Zagreb, but Igor Matanovic equalised before the interval and Andrej Kramaric bagged the winner midway through the second half.

Che Adams thought he had salvaged a stoppage-time equaliser but VAR disallowed his effort for offside, with Scotland winless in nine competitive outings — the longest run in their history.

Zubimendi wins it for Spain

Spain needed a 79th-minute effort from Martin Zubimendi to shrug off Denmark 1-0 in Murcia as captain Alvaro Morata showed off the European Championship trophy to fans before kick-off.

The hosts were without Rodri and Dani Carvajal, both sidelined by long-term injuries, with first-choice goalkeeper Unai Simon still recovering from wrist surgery. Nico Williams, Dani Olmo and Robin Le Normand had also been ruled out.

But Luis de la Fuente’s team grabbed the only goal when Zubimendi’s low drive from just outside the area squirmed past Denmark goalkeeper Kasper Schmeichel, who had earlier denied Lamine Yamal and Alvaro Morata.

“I’m very happy with the goal, but above all in such a close game in which we had to open the scoring,” said Real Sociedad midfielder Zubimendi.

“He doesn’t score many but he’s starting to so I hope he continues like this,” said De la Fuente. “He’s one of the best players in the world in his position.”

Spain moved up to seven points, one above Denmark, with Serbia picking up their first win after beating Switzerland 2-0 in Leskovac.

Serbia led through Nico Elvedi‘s own goal in first-half stoppage time and Aleksandar Mitrovic doubled the advantage before Predrag Rajkovic saved a penalty from Swiss striker Breel Embolo.

Both games in Group C3 finished goalless as Bulgaria were held at home by Luxembourg and Northern Ireland drew against Belarus on neutral ground in Hungary.

Romania eased to a 3-0 win away to Cyprus in Group C2, while Kosovo beat Lithuania 2-1.

The Russia-Ukraine war started exactly two years ago. The very next day, on February 25, 2022, India abstained from voting on a draft resolution in the United Nations Security Council. In the course of the ongoing war, New Delhi has been abstaining from taking clear sides, much to the chagrin of establishments in both the European Union and the United States. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Ukraine, after a much-publicised visit to Moscow in July, in maintaining with India’s stated position of strategic neutrality, questions are being asked in global capitals about India’s motivations. This is the first time an Indian prime minister has visited an independent Ukraine after the fall of the Soviet Union. 

There have been enough domestic discussions on India’s purported role in world peace and other grand enterprise. Let’s bring realism back into the game now.

Decoupling From West Is Not An Option

Domestic chatter aside, what the Western world – the US, EU, UK nexus – thinks about India’s stand on the Russia-Ukraine conflict does, indeed, matter to India. No matter what the virulently nationalist ecosystem clamours for, decoupling from the West is not an option for India. It is not merely about diplomatic grandstanding. Since 2014, PM Modi has been making diplomatic and cultural gestures to bolster India-EU relations. There have been increased levels of engagement to secure crucial strategic and economic partnerships between India and the EU member states. While India’s relationship with Ukraine may not have been headline-making historically, its implications have not been any less significant. That explains why India has consistently decried Russian aggression against Ukraine.

With his visit to Kyiv, PM Modi may be revealing India’s growing transactions with the EU member states for its defence and strategic needs. After all, the Russian manpower and machines have put up a dismal performance in the current theatre. It’s high time Indian generals stopped defending the Russian infrastructure just because they, too, are dependent on it and must swear by its fierceness. India has options for its defence and modernisation needs and must use them. After all, what use are partnerships like the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) that the EU set up with India in April 2022?

Exports From Russia Are Dwindling

It needs to be brought back into the picture that India’s arms procurement from Russia saw a significant drop in the aftermath of Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. The trend has been continuing, and as per the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s latest reports, Russian exports to India have sharply declined from 76% in 2009–2013 to 36% in 2019-2024. While India remains the Russian arms industry’s biggest market, it’s also shopping from elsewhere, and that cart is getting bigger. A war-stressed Moscow is unlikely to meet New Delhi’s growing defence needs owing to the latter’s neighbourhood concerns.  

Au contraire, other countries are pushing their catalogues for New Delhi to browse. The French are coming hot and sexy with their Rafael jets and a “defence industrial roadmap” to jointly design and develop mechanical infrastructure. India and France have joined hands in building submarines, combat aircraft engines, and multi-role helicopters. Ukraine, accounting for 11% of India’s total defence imports, too, is an important partner. India is also deepening defence and security ties with countries like South Korea, South Africa and Poland. It is no coincidence that PM Modi made a pit stop in Poland before heading to Ukraine.

A Wise Move By India

By maintaining its stance of strategic neutrality, India is securing self-interest-driven allies in Europe and Asia without the overlordship of the US. It is a wise move on India’s part in keeping with the ever-looming shadow of China in the neighbourhood.  The US has exhibited reluctance to share crucial defence technology with India despite promises and agreements, like the one between General Electric and Indian partners for technology to power the new fleet of fighter jets. India knows better than to rely on the US, a country that holds its military-industrial complex dearer than any ideological principle. 

It is clear that India—while being on “the side of peace”—is keeping its national interests above everything else. Mykhailo Podolyak, a presidential adviser in Ukraine, acknowledges that India “really has a certain influence” over Russia. It is this reputation that India aims to, ought to capitalise on in its attempt to emerge as a dependable global negotiator. Only those who have power can negotiate, the rest only nudge. 

The timing for Modi’s Ukraine visit is almost perfect. India is not expected to use a magic wand to bring Moscow and Kyiv to the negotiating table. The military situation remains hot. Even minor dialling down of fighting, if at all, will be enough for India’s influence optics. No significant developments in the region can be expected till the US elects its next president. Till the US gets its house in order and views its NATO obligations afresh, the window is open for India to pedal hard towards its strategic goals—choosing realism over idealism and empty talk. 

(Nishtha Gautam is a Delhi-based author and academic.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

The Russia-Ukraine war started exactly two years ago. The very next day, on February 25, 2022, India abstained from voting on a draft resolution in the United Nations Security Council. In the course of the ongoing war, New Delhi has been abstaining from taking clear sides, much to the chagrin of establishments in both the European Union and the United States. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Ukraine, after a much-publicised visit to Moscow in July, in maintaining with India’s stated position of strategic neutrality, questions are being asked in global capitals about India’s motivations. This is the first time an Indian prime minister has visited an independent Ukraine after the fall of the Soviet Union. 

There have been enough domestic discussions on India’s purported role in world peace and other grand enterprise. Let’s bring realism back into the game now.

Decoupling From West Is Not An Option

Domestic chatter aside, what the Western world – the US, EU, UK nexus – thinks about India’s stand on the Russia-Ukraine conflict does, indeed, matter to India. No matter what the virulently nationalist ecosystem clamours for, decoupling from the West is not an option for India. It is not merely about diplomatic grandstanding. Since 2014, PM Modi has been making diplomatic and cultural gestures to bolster India-EU relations. There have been increased levels of engagement to secure crucial strategic and economic partnerships between India and the EU member states. While India’s relationship with Ukraine may not have been headline-making historically, its implications have not been any less significant. That explains why India has consistently decried Russian aggression against Ukraine.

With his visit to Kyiv, PM Modi may be revealing India’s growing transactions with the EU member states for its defence and strategic needs. After all, the Russian manpower and machines have put up a dismal performance in the current theatre. It’s high time Indian generals stopped defending the Russian infrastructure just because they, too, are dependent on it and must swear by its fierceness. India has options for its defence and modernisation needs and must use them. After all, what use are partnerships like the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) that the EU set up with India in April 2022?

Exports From Russia Are Dwindling

It needs to be brought back into the picture that India’s arms procurement from Russia saw a significant drop in the aftermath of Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. The trend has been continuing, and as per the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s latest reports, Russian exports to India have sharply declined from 76% in 2009–2013 to 36% in 2019-2024. While India remains the Russian arms industry’s biggest market, it’s also shopping from elsewhere, and that cart is getting bigger. A war-stressed Moscow is unlikely to meet New Delhi’s growing defence needs owing to the latter’s neighbourhood concerns.  

Au contraire, other countries are pushing their catalogues for New Delhi to browse. The French are coming hot and sexy with their Rafael jets and a “defence industrial roadmap” to jointly design and develop mechanical infrastructure. India and France have joined hands in building submarines, combat aircraft engines, and multi-role helicopters. Ukraine, accounting for 11% of India’s total defence imports, too, is an important partner. India is also deepening defence and security ties with countries like South Korea, South Africa and Poland. It is no coincidence that PM Modi made a pit stop in Poland before heading to Ukraine.

A Wise Move By India

By maintaining its stance of strategic neutrality, India is securing self-interest-driven allies in Europe and Asia without the overlordship of the US. It is a wise move on India’s part in keeping with the ever-looming shadow of China in the neighbourhood.  The US has exhibited reluctance to share crucial defence technology with India despite promises and agreements, like the one between General Electric and Indian partners for technology to power the new fleet of fighter jets. India knows better than to rely on the US, a country that holds its military-industrial complex dearer than any ideological principle. 

It is clear that India—while being on “the side of peace”—is keeping its national interests above everything else. Mykhailo Podolyak, a presidential adviser in Ukraine, acknowledges that India “really has a certain influence” over Russia. It is this reputation that India aims to, ought to capitalise on in its attempt to emerge as a dependable global negotiator. Only those who have power can negotiate, the rest only nudge. 

The timing for Modi’s Ukraine visit is almost perfect. India is not expected to use a magic wand to bring Moscow and Kyiv to the negotiating table. The military situation remains hot. Even minor dialling down of fighting, if at all, will be enough for India’s influence optics. No significant developments in the region can be expected till the US elects its next president. Till the US gets its house in order and views its NATO obligations afresh, the window is open for India to pedal hard towards its strategic goals—choosing realism over idealism and empty talk. 

(Nishtha Gautam is a Delhi-based author and academic.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Poland and Ukraine extends the geopolitical scope of India’s foreign policy. No Indian Prime Minister has visited Poland for the last 45 years. In recent years, Poland has acquired considerable weight within the European Union (EU). It is a large country in size and population, and it has seen impressive economic growth since 1992, making it the EU’s sixth-largest economy.

Modi has visited several countries that had not seen a prime ministerial visit from India for a very long time. This is part of a strategy to enlarge India’s global footprint in line with our aspirations to play a bigger role on the world stage. In that sense, a visit to Poland would have seemed overdue.

A Ukraine Visit Had Become Unavoidable

No Indian Prime Minister has visited Ukraine since its independence in 1991. India has had productive ties with Ukraine, especially in the defence area, but these have been adversely affected by its conflict with Russia flowing from the regime change in the country in 2014. Modi will be the first Indian prime minister to visit Ukraine. Whether the conditions for a prime ministerial visit to Ukraine at the strictly bilateral level exist currently can be debated. At the geopolitical level, however, it could be argued that a visit had become more or less unavoidable.

Poland’s hostility to Russia, anchored in history, is profound. The country’s current president and the foreign minister in particular, as well as the prime minister, reflect it in their statements. This visceral animus towards Russia also explains the depth of Poland’s ties with the US. Since 2008, Poland has hosted elements of the US anti-ballistic missile shield that the Russians believe is targeted against them, though the US claims that it is directed against Iran’s missile capability. Poland strongly backs Ukraine in its conflict with Russia. As it happens, the western part of Ukraine is historically linked to Poland.

Is This An Appropriate Time?

It can be argued that India needs to reach out to Central and East European countries to expand its political footprint within the EU, with which it seeks to strengthen ties. The issue, however, is whether it is opportune to do so at this moment when both Ukraine and Poland are locked up in a military confrontation with Russia as front-line states with US and NATO support.

A proxy war is being conducted against Russia through Ukraine, with full Polish support, with the declared goal of imposing a strategic defeat on Russia, causing its economic collapse and isolating it internationally, even if these goals have not been met yet. The question arises whether we need to defer to Russia’s sensitivities and concerns when it has been our privileged strategic partner for decades and has stood by us when we were under pressure from the West.

To what extent we should show solidarity with Russia and shun its adversaries when we have no quarrels with them, and, in this context, to what degree we should preserve the independence of our foreign policy and our strategic autonomy vis a vis all our major partners in the East and the West, are pertinent questions.

One can, of course, argue that we have not been deterred from forging increasingly close ties with the US, which is the principal promoter of the proxy war against Russia, or from our efforts to expand ties with the EU, or, within it, with countries like France and Germany, who are fuelling this proxy war too. This logic should dictate that we should not be inhibited from reaching out to Ukraine and Poland.

The Limits Of Foreign Policy

But then, foreign policy is not based on logic or principles applied mechanically. Policymakers have to assess where the balance of interests lies and the likely cost of not weighing the consequences of options taken. If we want to keep Russia firmly on our side, are there options we should eschew to avoid misunderstanding or create a perception that we are harming Moscow’s legitimate interests? We can, of course, assume that Russia is a mature power with great experience in diplomacy, and that it can assess whether a decision taken by us is to further our legitimate national interest and not intended to hurt Russia’s interests. India and Russia need not be on the same page on everything. Even the US and its allies in Europe have differences.

The issue in the case of Modi’s visit to Poland and Ukraine at this time is that both countries have eschewed the language of dialogue and diplomacy to resolve the Ukraine conflict, with Ukraine and its NATO backers favouring some military success on the ground in order to force Russia to come to the negotiating table. This strategy assumes that Russia wants to avoid a war with NATO, which gives room to the military alliance to support limited escalatory actions in order to keep imposing costs on Moscow. This is the NATO version of an attrition strategy that Russia mirrors when it assumes that NATO will get tired of supporting the war as it is imposing costs on member states, and that public fatigue is already setting in.

Being Consistent

From India’s point of view, after Modi’s visit to Russia for the annual summit with a clear intention to develop stronger economic ties, and the signal given to the West once again that India will preserve the equities of its ties with Moscow, a visit to Ukraine could be put on the agenda.

Modi seems to have told Putin during his visit that Zelenskyy was pressing him to visit Ukraine and that he planned to go. Putin, apparently, did not demur. It could be reasoned that for Modi to counsel dialogue and diplomacy in Russia as well as internationally, and then baulk at visiting Ukraine as part of promoting his message of dialogue and diplomacy on Ukrainian soil, would have seemed inconsistent.

The Kursk Incursion By Ukraine

Regrettably, Zelenskyy, by launching his highly symbolic incursion into Kursk a few days before Modi’s visit, has undercut its purpose. The US and others have been prodding India to play a helpful role in promoting a resolution of the conflict in Ukraine in view of New Delhi’s close ties with Moscow. They have been disingenuous in promoting this line. If the US wants to seriously engage in a dialogue with Russia to find ways to end the conflict, it does not need India’s intercession or that of any other country. Russia has said many times in the past that the key to a solution lies in US hands, not those of Europe or Ukraine.

In his post on X before departure, Modi said that in Ukraine, he wanted to “share his perspectives on the peaceful resolution of the ongoing Ukraine conflict” with Zelenskyy. This intriguing message suggests that he has a vision of how this conflict could be ended, which means he has in mind a broad perspective plan. In Moscow, Modi had said that he had well understood how Putin perceived the situation. But now, after Kursk, the Russian position has hardened, with Putin stating that there is no longer any room left for talks.

A Tricky Time In The US

No doubt, Zelenskyy will share his perspectives with Modi. And then what? Will India get into some sort of a mediatory role? Is that feasible when the US is in the throes of the presidential election, with Biden a lame-duck president who cannot change course because any retreat towards a search for peace after fuelling the conflict all these years could do damage to the Democratic party, as it would imply a failure of Biden’s Ukraine policy?

Even if Zelenskyy’s decision to make a territorial incursion into Russia has undermined Modi’s peace effort, India could always claim that in view of the worsening of the situation, Modi’s message against escalation and in favour of peace had become even more pressing and relevant.

Significantly, The Economist sees Modi’s visit to Ukraine as a “redemption”, implying that India has sinned and now it was seeking forgiveness from the West. This underlines how the West sees Modi’s visit. Presumably, this arrogant and presumptuous journal believes Modi is awaiting absolution from the high priests of defunct British imperialism.

(Kanwal Sibal was Foreign Secretary and Ambassador to Turkey, Egypt, France and Russia, and Deputy Chief Of Mission in Washington.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

New Delhi:

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is on a visit to Poland — a first for an Indian Prime Minister in more than four decades. The last Prime Minister to visit Poland was Morarji Desai in 1979.

Joking that the “first visit” had been one of the biggest headlines back home, he told a gathering of expat Indians that his recent visit to Austria has been another first in four decades. “It is my good fortune to bring about many firsts,” he added to laughter and cheers.

This string of firsts, he indicated, was due to a 180 degree shift in foreign policy.

“For decades, India’s policy was to maintain distance from all countries,” PM Modi said. “The situation has now changed… Today, India’s policy is to maintain close ties with all countries. Today’s India wants to connect with everyone,” he added, in a subtle jab at the Non-Aligned Movement of the 1970s under then Congress government.

“Today’s India is with everyone and thinks about everyone’s benefit. Today the world respects India as Vishwa Bandhu,” he added.

Over the last years, PM Modi has been to several nations — the one that made the biggest headlines being Israel. It acknowledged the shift in the ties between the two nations that was already in progress — from the traditional military-security paradigm to economic and developmental issues.

The current visit to Poland underscores India’s growing participation in matters involving Europe. In both the Russia-Ukraine conflict and Israel’s war on Hamas, PM Modi has played the role of a peacemaker. He is expected to visit Ukraine today.

Ahead of his departure, PM Modi said his visit marks 70 years of diplomatic relations with Poland, which is now also a “key economic partner in Central Europe”.

“Our bilateral trade is substantial. And it’s of the order of US$6 billion, which makes Poland India’s largest trading partner in Central and Eastern Europe. Indian investments in Poland are estimated at around US$3 billion. And the Polish investments into India are around US$1 billion,” the foreign ministry has said.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be in Poland and Ukraine this week. Both visits are historic in their own ways: for Poland, this will be the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister in 45 years, while for Ukraine, Modi’s will be the first-ever visit by an Indian Prime Minister. Where Modi has talked about India and Poland’s “mutual commitment to democracy and pluralism” reinforcing the bilateral relationship, he has expressed “hope for an early return of peace and stability” in Ukraine. 

Often, China and India are put in the same bracket when it comes to their response to the Ukraine war. But Modi’s visit to the country, which follows his much-controversial trip to Russia last month, is why the world shouldn’t compare them. 

India Is More Than Just A Mediator In Europe

Modi’s visit to Russia last month raised a lot of eyebrows as it was also his first visit abroad in his third term. There is now talk of India becoming a potential peacemaker in the Russia-Ukraine war. But that is missing the woods for the trees. Modi will be in Ukraine to underline that New Delhi’s position on the war remains consistent. Despite close ties with Russia and its decision not to publicly call out Russia as an aggressor, New Delhi has always maintained that the sanctity of territorial integrity and sovereignty remains inviolable in international affairs, and that dialogue and diplomacy is the only way to a sustainable outcome.

Unlike China, Modi publicly told Putin during his visit to Moscow that this was not the era of war, and expressed pain at the death of children after a lethal strike by Russia on Kyiv’s main hospital for children. At that time, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy had denounced Modi for visiting Russia, calling the trip a “devastating blow to peace efforts”. But New Delhi has continued to maintain its ties with both Moscow and Kyiv throughout the course of the war over the last two and a half years, steadfast in its belief that both sides should be engaged if a lasting solution is to be found. 

A Renewed Vision For Europe

Europe is facing a moment of reckoning with growing internal challenges, a widening regional divide, a war that shows no signs of ending, a rising China, calls for isolationism in the US, and a fracturing of the post-Cold War security arrangement. The end of the Ukraine war will perhaps lay the foundations of a new security order in Europe, but that end is nowhere in sight as both sides search for favourable battlefield realities that they can potentially leverage at the negotiating table. It is at this critical juncture that Europe has started looking at India as a key partner.

And New Delhi has reciprocated. India now views Europe as central to its developmental and strategic priorities. This is borne by the extraordinary diplomatic investment the Modi government has made in imparting momentum to its ties with Europe. What has been an evolving feature of this outreach is India’s attempts to engage with different sub-regions of Europe, allowing New Delhi to focus on their core strengths. It is Central Europe that is now the focus, with Modi visiting Austria last month followed by Poland and Ukraine now. The region has developed its own unique voice on European matters, and especially after the Russian invasion, it has been critical in shaping the larger European response to regional and global issues.

Why Poland Matters To New Delhi

As for Modi’s visit to Poland, it is among the fastest-growing economies in Europe and has been vocal about its strategic aspirations to see Europe emerge as a key geopolitical actor on the global stage. Warsaw’s role will also be critical in shaping the European security architecture once the embers of war in Ukraine cool down. Its location makes it a hub of connectivity across Europe, and India enjoys a lot of goodwill. If India is to move beyond France, Germany and the UK in its European imagination, then building strong economic ties with Poland will be critical. Modi’s visit should lay the foundation for a long-term sustainable partnership with Warsaw.

It is in New Delhi’s interest that a sustainable security architecture takes shape in Europe as European stability is critical for a globally engaged India with critical equities in that geography. New Delhi won’t be playing the mediator. Its eyes are on the larger horizon, where India’s emergence as a credible partner of Europe is seen as important for ensuring that its own developmental and strategic priorities remain insulated from wider disruption. 

(Harsh V Pant is Vice-President for Studies at ORF)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author