Kathmandu

Just less than two weeks ago, Nepal Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ was oozing confidence.

On June 22, he told his party supporters that he had control over the “magical number” to lead the government till the next election. “With magic, anything can be fixed,” he said.

Since his election as Prime Minister for a third time on December 25, 2022, Prachanda, the chairperson of the Nepal Communist Party-Maoist Centre (NCP-MC), has switched sides three times between the Nepali Congress (NC) and Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML). First he left the NC to join hands with the CPN-UML. Then in February last year, he deserted the CPN-UML to form an alliance with the NC. And in March this year, he went back to the CPN-UML.

But what Prachanda said on June 22 did not go well with the CPN-UML chairperson K.P. Sharma Oli, who, as per an agreement reached with Prachanda, was supposed to lead the government after one year.

Meanwhile, NC president Sher Bahadur Deuba, jilted twice by the former guerilla leader, was waiting for an opportune time.

At the stroke of intervening midnight of Monday and Tuesday, Mr. Deuba, 78, and Mr. Oli, 78, signed a deal to oust Prachanda. Though the agreement reached between the NC and the CPN-UML — which have 88 and 79 seats, respectively, in the 275-member House of Representatives — has not been made public, they have said time has come to amend the Constitution and ensure political stability for which the two largest parties in parliament need to form a “national consensus government.”

The CPN-UML on Wednesday evening withdrew its support to the Prachanda government. Both the NC and the CPN-UML have called on Prachanda to resign and “pave the way” for the formation of a new government.

Prachanda, who leads the third largest party in parliament with 32 seats, has maintained that he won’t resign and that he will seek a confidence vote in parliament. As per the constitutional provisions, the Prime Minister has to seek a confidence vote within 30 days from the date a coalition partner withdraws its support. It will be his fifth confidence vote in one and a half years, but this time, he is almost certain to lose.

More than meets the eye

Observers said they were tired of being manipulated by Prachanda, 69, who leads the third largest party in parliament with just 32 seats. and Fuelled by their desire to return to power, Mr. Deuba and Mr. Oli were working on a plan for quite a while to give Prachanda a taste of his own medicine.

“It was known for quite a while that Prachanda’s game would end soon; what was not known was how and when,” said Krishna Khanal, a political scientist. “But the NC and CPN-UML’s claim of constitutional amendments for political stability lacks credibility. It’s only for public consumption.”

Mr. Khanal believes Nepali parties have mixed up government stability with system stability and misled the public by selling the idea of political stability.

“Governments may have changed frequently, but there is stability in the system,” he said.

“And it’s up to the political parties and their leaders to make the system work.”Meanwhile, yet another argument did rounds in Kathmandu about the new alliance. Both the NC and the CPN-UML were said to be in a bid to halt the Prachanda government’s plans to dig out some corruption cases, as they feared some of their influential leaders could be dragged in.

Home Minister Rabi Laimchhane said in parliament on Monday that preparations were under way to form a commission to investigate corruption cases. Leaders in private would not rule out the argument but refused to provide details.

Flaws in constitution?

When the NC, CPN-UML and the NCP-MC, Nepal’s major parties, decided to fast-track the Constitution on September 20, 2015, some sections of the society were protesting, saying the document further marginalised them. Since then two sets of general elections have been held. Nevertheless, the public’s aspirations and basic needs remain unfulfilled even as the country has transitioned from a unitary system of governance to a federal democratic republic.

The NC and the CPN-UML have blamed the electoral system as the main source of political instability in the country.

As per Nepal’s electoral system, 165 members in parliament are elected under the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) system, and 110 members are elected under the Proportional Representation (PR) system. The PR system guarantees inclusion, as parties are constitutionally bound to nominate women and people from the marginalised groups. Another 550 members are elected to seven provincial Assemblies under the same FPTP and PR systems. With chances of any single party winning a majority being slim, provinces have also become a hotbed of revolving door politics.

“It had become evident that there was a need to tweak the electoral system,” said Govind Raj Pokhrel, an NC leader. “There have been concerns that the current electoral system cannot ensure political stability.”

But a constitutional amendment is easier said than done. It requires two-thirds votes in both the Lower House and the Upper House to pass the amendments. The combined strength of the NC and the CPN-UML is short of a two-third majority. Some small parties with their base in the Madhesh region, along the southern plains, are unlikely to extend support to a move that aims at scrapping the PR system because they have been the chief advocates of the system.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party, the fourth largest force with 21 seats, has made its dislike for provinces clear, but whether it will be part of the agenda of NC and CPN-UML is not clear yet. The Rastriya Prajatantra Party, which has 14 seats, has hinted that it would support the constitutional amendments. But the party is seeking a complete reversal of the Constitution to restore the monarchy and Nepal as a Hindu state.

Mr. Khanal believes, in light of growing concerns, that none of the governments has been able to address public concerns and there may be a need to “review” some constitutional provisions. “But this current constitutional amendment claim is not achievable – neither politically nor mathematically,” he said.

Slippery slope

C. K. Lal, a political analyst, said the very idea of changing the electoral system stems from the CPN-UML’s regressive stance.

“There are three ideas in play – changing the electoral system, reversing federalism and a backward journey to the 1990 Constitution,” said Mr. Lal. “This has been the CPN-UML’s official position.” The NC and the CPN-UML played the leading role in restoration of democracy in Nepal in 1990, and the Constitution that was promulgated then maintained constitutional monarchy.

“The NC so far has been in two minds,” said Mr. Lal. “Therefore, the new alliance’s rallying cry for constitutional amendments is also an attempt to test the waters.”

“And they needed an excuse as well to unseat Prachanda,” he added.

According to the deal, Mr. Oli, a two-time PM, will lead the government for the first half of the remaining three and a half years of the current Assembly, and create ground for constitutional amendments. He will then hand over power to Mr. Deuba, a five-time PM, to oversee the 2027 election. Nevertheless, there have not been any consultations within these parties on the content of the amendments.

Meanwhile, concerns have grown that the two largest parties forming the government could render the parliament Opposition-less.

Mr. Khanal, however, says there has been such a rapid degradation of political culture in Nepal that parliament has, by and large, always been without an effective Opposition.

“The Constitution demands some behaviour and character from political parties,” he said. “With opportunism becoming the new normal, the NC and the CPN-UML have contrived a ruse to conceal their failure, and ensure their return to power by subterfuge.”

(Sanjeev Satgainya is an independent journalist based in Kathmandu)

When Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ went for a vote of confidence on January 10, 2023, days after he was elected the Prime Minister of Nepal, 268 parliamentarians of the 270 present in the 275-member parliament had voted in his favour.

On Monday, Prachanda once again sought a vote of confidence, for the fourth time within 18 months as the Prime Minister. He secured 157 votes. While one lawmaker stayed neutral, the rest were absent.

Prachanda may have survived, but in the first and fourth floor tests that he has gone for since assuming office on December 25, 2022, there has been a sharp contrast.

On technical grounds, he has saved his Prime Minister’s post, but it is apparent that the confidence the House had in him has waned, according to analysts. They say that the entire House appeared to have its confidence in the Prime Minister about a year and a half ago.

“The Prime Minister may have won the vote of confidence technically, but there are questions over the political legitimacy of this vote,” said Daman Nath Dhungana, a former House Speaker. “The way the whole proceedings were taken forward raises too many questions, including over the role of the House Speaker.”

On January 10 last year, the Nepali Congress (NC), the single largest party with the 88 seats, had voted in Prachanda’s favour, rendering the House Opposition-less. On Monday, the NC boycotted proceedings after the Prime Minister was allowed by Speaker Dev Raj Ghimire to seek the vote of confidence even as NC lawmakers protested and chanted slogans.

NC Chief Whip Ramesh Lekhak told media later on Monday that the Prime Minister turned the parliament into barracks to take the vote of confidence. Mr. Ghimire failed to maintain the decorum of his post, the NC concluded.

“The Speaker failed to play the role as required by the post. He cannot present himself as a member of a certain party,” said Mr. Lekhak.

Monday’s was the second vote of confidence Prachanda, 69, sought since his decision to break his alliance with the NC in March.

As per the Constitution of Nepal, the Prime Minister is required to take a vote of confidence within 30 days if the party the Prime Minister is representing splits or if a member of the coalition government withdraws support. Mr. Prachanda had to go for the floor test this time because Janata Samajbadi Party-Nepal withdrew its support on May 13.

Though Prachanda’s Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Center) had fought the November 2022 general elections under an alliance with the NC, he was elected the Prime Minister on December 25 that year with the support of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), or CPN (UML), the second largest party in parliament with 78 seats. A dispute between Prachanda and NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba over leading the government had prompted the Maoist leader to join hands with the CPN (UML).

After he backed the NC’s candidate for the presidential post, the UML withdrew its support in February last year, paving the way for the formation of the Maoist-Congress alliance. But after 13 months, in the first week of March, Prachanda in a sudden move ditched the NC to go back to the UML, and he inducted Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), which has 21 seats, into the Cabinet. He appointed RSP President Rabi Lamichhane as the Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister.

Mr. Lamichhane, however, is embroiled in a controversy with allegations that he had embezzled cooperative funds when he was serving as the managing director of a television company before joining politics.

The NC has been demanding that a parliamentary committee be formed to probe into cooperative fund embezzlement allegations against Mr. Lamichhane. On Monday too, as soon as the House proceedings began, NC parliamentarians rose from their seats in protest. But Mr. Ghimire deployed marshals.

Prachanda, who was marshalled to the podium, described the NC’s protest as a blot in Nepal’s history.

“You committed a huge mistake today. By trying to obstruct the Prime Minister from taking a vote of confidence, you have set a bad example,” said Prachanda, a former rebel leader, hinting at the NC. “You will have to pay a big price for this.”

After the confidence vote, the next meeting of Parliament was announced for Tuesday. The NC, however, has said it would continue to obstruct the proceedings.

Mr. Dhungana, the former House Speaker who also played a crucial role during the peace process after the end of the Maoist war led by Prachanda, said the ruling coalition and the House Speaker made a mockery of the parliamentary system as they failed to offer the slightest of respect to the Opposition.

“How can such a confidence vote be termed a confidence vote when a simple parliamentary process like this has been bulldozed?” said Mr. Dhungana. “It is incumbent upon the Prime Minister to take the Opposition into confidence and upon the Speaker to keep the House in order.”

The NC has concluded that the Prime Minister displayed an autocratic tendency by forcefully going for a vote of confidence on Monday, even as he had ample time to do so.

“As per the constitutional provision, the Prime Minister had 30 days to go for the confidence vote,” said Mr. Lekhak. “When the main Opposition has been demanding a parliamentary probe committee, the Prime Minister and the Speaker should have paid heed to it.”

The rift between the Prime Minister and the main Opposition NC has further widened at a time when the government is preparing to present the annual budget. As per the constitutional provision, the government must table the budget in Parliament on May 28.

Due to NC’s obstructions, the Parliament has not been able to deliberate on the government’s policies and programmes, presented by President Ram Chandra Poudel on May 14. If the NC’s obstruction continues, the government will be left with no option than to bring the budget through an ordinance, as failure to meet the May 28 deadline would mean a violation of the Constitution.

Mr. Dhungana said Prachanda and the coalition led by him have driven the main Opposition into a corner.

“The NC appears to be in a mood to go to any extent till its demand is met,” he said. “The Prime Minister’s failure to make any effort to reach an understanding with the Opposition before going for a confidence vote may cost him dearly.”

The Janata Samajbadi Party-Nepal (JSP-N), one of the coalition partners in Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda-led government, has split after a majority of its lawmakers and over two dozen central committee members applied for a new party at the Election Commission of Nepal.

A faction of the JSP-N led by the party’s federal council chair Ashok Rai registered the application for a new party while the party’s chair Deputy Prime Minister Upendra Yadav, who is also Minister for health and population, is on a trip abroad.

Pradip Yadav, a lawmaker of the JSP-N, said that 29 central committee members and seven lawmakers have jointly applied to form a new party. Of the party’s 12 House of Representatives members, seven — Ashok Rai, Sushila Sherstha, Pradip Yadav, Nawal Kishor Sah, Ranju Kumari Jha, Birendra Mahato and Hasina Khan — have supported the new party named ‘Janata Samajbadi Party’ (without the ‘Nepal’ of the mother party).

The Election Commission on May 6 officially recognised the Ashok Rai-led Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) as a new political party.

Party insiders said that Mr. Rai registered the new party at the advice of Prime Minister Prachanda to counter Mr. Yadav, whose relations with the ruling alliance have soured lately. There are reports Mr. Yadav was trying to ally with the Opposition Nepali Congress and the ruling party alliance CPN-Unified Socialist-led by Madhav Kumar Nepal after NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba reportedly offered the Prime Minister’s post to Mr. Yadav to topple the Prachanda-led government.

However, the ruling coalition consisting of the CPN-UML led by K. P. Sharma Oli and the CPN (Maoist Center) has managed to maintain a narrow majority in the Parliament with the latest political developments.

Leaders of the Ashok Rai-led faction claimed they had to revolt against the party leadership as Mr. Yadav was running the party in an autocratic way. “The chair ran the party unilaterally and disrespected lawmakers,” Mr. Pradip said.

Forest and Environment Minister Nawal Kishor Sah Sudi, who also quit the party, claimed that the need for a new outfit was felt after the chair tried to break the ruling coalition.

“We took this decision for the stability of the incumbent government,” Mr. Sudi said. “The party chair (Mr. Yadav) is against this coalition but we will continue to support this government.” “However, the party establishment’s leaders said the party has not split. Just a dissident faction has parted ways,” they claimed.

The split in the JSP-N will not affect the government’s stability at the moment, said Central Member of CPN-Maoist Centre Sunil Kumar Manandhar, who is also the former Minister for Environment amidst speculations that it might affect the coalition government.

“Unless the CPN-Unified Socialist and JSP-N withdraw support from the government there is no need to seek a vote of confidence by the Prachanda government,” Manandhar added. “Lawmakers alone don’t make a party. A majority of party leaders are with us,” said Manish Suman, the party spokesperson.

He added that less than 20% of the 300-strong central committee had left the party. The split follows a long-standing discontent in the party. Only after the pressure from the other faction, had the establishment side been ready to hold its general convention.

Mohammad Istiyak Rai, a leader of the party, had decided to challenge Mr. Yadav, the party chair, in the upcoming general elections. However, the party split before the convention could be held.

Rajendra Shrestha has been named the federal council chair of the yet-to-be-legalised party, which has announced a 31-member central committee. Rai is the chairperson while Renu Yadav has been named the joint chair. The party has four vice-chairpersons, a general secretary, deputy general secretaries and secretaries, among others.

Though the Rai-led faction has sought recognition as a new party under the Political Party Act, there are no clear legal provisions to guide the party formation process after a split in an existing one.

On August 18, 2021, the then Sher Bahadur Deuba government issued an ordinance to amend the Act to ease the split of two parties — the CPN-UML and the Janata Samajbadi Party.

Revising a provision in the Act, which requires the support of 40% of members in the Parliamentary party and the central committee to split the party, the ordinance lowered the bar to 20% in either of the committees.

On August 26 of the same year, Madhav Kumar Nepal of the UML and Mahantha Thakur of the Janata Samajbadi Party registered new parties, the CPN (Unified Socialist) and the Loktantrik Samajbadi Party, respectively. Two days later, the ordinance was repealed, having served its purpose.

The provisions amended by the ordinance have become void after it was repealed. Though a bill to reactivate those provisions of the Act has been registered in Parliament, it is yet to be endorsed.

“We have received the application (on new party registration),” said Ram Prasad Bhandari, an election commissioner. “A proper decision will be taken after evaluating the existing legal provisions.” Before the split, in the 275-member federal lower house, the ruling coalition had 154 seats — 16 more than the magic number of 138.

Among them, the CPN-UML has 79 seats (including the Speaker and one suspended lawmaker), the CPN (Maoist Centre) has 32, the Rashtriya Swatantra Party has 21, the JSP-N has 12 seats and the CPN (Unified Socialist) has 10 seats. s

Sixteen years ago, mass protests in Nepal forced then King Gyanendra Shah to give up the throne and clear the way for a republic. Now, a new wave of protest is trying to bring him back.

The capital of the Himalayan country is again teeming with demonstrators, this time demanding that Mr. Shah be reinstated as king and Hinduism brought back as a state religion. Royalist groups accuse the country’s major political parties of corruption and failed governance and say people are frustrated with politicians.

“Come back king, save the country. Long live our beloved king. We want a monarchy,” people raised slogans at a rally last month in Kathmandu.

Growing frustration with the present system has led to calls for radical change. Pro-monarchy rallies have been growing larger, and an increasing number of homes and businesses are displaying portraits of the former king and his ancestors.

Mr. Gyanendra was a constitutional head of state without executive or political powers until 2005, when he seized absolute power. He disbanded the government and Parliament, jailed politicians and journalists and cut off communications, declaring a state of emergency and using the Army to rule the country.

Protests that drew hundreds of thousands of people forced him to give up power to the Parliament in 2006, and two years later Parliament voted to abolish the monarchy and Mr. Gyanendra left the Royal Palace to live the life of a commoner.

But many Nepalis have grown frustrated with the republic, saying it has failed to bring about political stability and blaming it for a struggling economy and widespread corruption. Nepal has had 13 governments since the monarchy was abolished in 2008.

Many Nepalis believe elected politicians are more interested in power and patronage than addressing their problems, said Dhruba Hari Adhikary, an independent analyst based in Kathmandu. “That’s why some people started to think that, well, it was far better under the monarchy,” he said.

In November, tens of thousands rallied in support of the king in Kathmandu, where riot police officers used batons and tear gas to halt them from marching to the centre of the capital. Kings were long considered reincarnations of the god Vishnu in the majority-Hindu nation.

“The king is the umbrella that is really needed to block and protect (the country) from all the pressure and influence that is being put on Nepal by countries like India, China or America,” said Rudra Raj Pandey, who was among the protesters at last month’s rally.

“Our country will retain its values and identity only if it is turned back to a monarchy and the king is reinstated to the throne,” he said. But the movement is too small to prevail any time soon, Mr. Adhikary said.

With polls and surveys rarely conducted in Nepal, it’s not clear how many people support the monarchy. Mr. Gyanendra was an unpopular king, but the monarchy remained broadly popular before he seized absolute power.

The country’s major political parties have rejected the possibility of the king returning to power.

“Nepal is a republic and the monarchy will never be reinstated,” said Narayan Prakash Saud of Nepali Congress, which led the revolt against the kind in 2006 and is currently the largest party in Parliament. “The only way it would be possible would be through changing the constitution, but there is no possibility of that happening at all.”

The most powerful group supporting restoration of the monarchy is the Rastriya Prajatantra Party, or national democratic party, which was founded in the 1990s by allies of the monarchy. It has 14 seats in Parliament — around 5% — but wields outsize influence as a representative of the protest movement. Party leaders met with the Prime Minister in February and presented their demands.

“I think it is very possible and the environment throughout the country has never been so congenial for this agenda,” said Rabindra Mishra, deputy chairman of the party. “If we can’t restore the institution of the monarchy in this country, there is no future for the youth in this country and the existence of this country itself could be at risk,” he said.

Mr. Gyanendra himself hasn’t commented on the movement. He has stayed out of open involvement in politics since his abdication, and only rarely makes public appearances. Other groups supporting the king have sprung up.

“We need a monarchy. Without a king, we have no identity as Nepalese and all of us might as well just declare ourselves as refugees,” said Pasupathi Khadga, who leads a youth organisation that supports the reinstatement of the monarchy.

Nepal’s monarchy did not allow political parties to form until 1990, when a pro-democracy movement brought in elections and reduced the monarchy to a ceremonial role. Mr. Gyanendra became king after his elder brother, then King Birendra, and his family were killed in a massacre at the royal palace in 2001.