Military diplomacy, or defence diplomacy, may sound like an oxymoron to many, but it must be part of the comprehensive power strategy of any country that wishes to be a regional or a global player. Peacekeeping, deterrence and humanitarian and disaster relief (HADR) are some examples of the kind of soft power a country can exert through hard power projection. All these activities have been successfully conducted by the Indian military and diplomatic establishment for over five decades, since the times of the Korean crisis in 1953. India’s HADR operations and its participation in peacekeeping operations across major conflict zones, along with measures it undertakes to ensure the security of maritime lanes, have won it distinct honour and prestige. Even so, one often hears the complaint that we work in silos, even within the Ministry of Defence. While bureaucracy is accused of highhandedness and functioning without domain knowledge, defence forces are seen as acting with disdain towards complex external factors. In the tussle, it’s diplomacy that suffers ultimately.

Multi-Layered Consultations

One of the most successful examples of India’s military diplomacy has been the firm dealing with China in the years following the Galwan clash in 2020. Stationing our forces in an eyeball-to-eyeball position and the continuous building of infrastructure on the border in the last five years have indeed deterred the Chinese from further escalation. But real success has been achieved by diplomatic and military consultations, facilitated through the established mechanisms of WMCC and Commander-level talks. Dialogue, diplomacy and deterrence remained the key tools for the two countries as the political leadership, right from the Prime Minister to the Defence Minister, the External Affairs Minister, and the National Security Advisor, engaged with their Chinese counterparts. 

A Personal Experience In Bangladesh

One would remember the 1971 Bangladesh war of independence. It was the era of the Cold War and powerful naval assets dominated the scene. Nixon had ordered the US Seventh Fleet’s Task Force 74, led by the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier Enterprise, to proceed towards the Bay of Bengal. As the US moved in favour of Pakistan to intimidate India, the Soviets sent their warships to the Indian Ocean to confront the Americans. The standoff gave enough leverage to India to help the Bangladeshis continue their crusade against Islamabad. India could play a critical role in the conflict in no small measure due to Soviet assistance. In fact, in the later years, the Soviet state also played a significant role in converting the relationship between India and Bangladesh into a special and privileged strategic partnership. The successor state, Russia, remains a trusted partner for India even today. The case is a clear display of military diplomacy and how it can become a defining feature of any bilateral relationship.

I was posted in Bangladesh in the mid-1980s, when the country was under the rule of the anti-India regime of General Ershad. Something unique happened one day. Reports came in that riots, apparently state-managed, had broken out in certain parts of the country, targeting Hindu civilians; the famous Dhakeshwari temple in Dhaka was also vandalised and defiled by miscreants. Frantic calls kept coming in and many Hindu leaders rushed for help. While the High Commission was mulling over responses, news arrived that Indian forces (namely, the Indian Peace Keeping Force, or IPKF) had landed in Jaffna, Sri Lanka. This news in itself ended up having a deterring and salutary impact and the government machinery doubled down to contain the riots in less than two hours. Fear served its purpose. President Ershad also sent his special envoy to India to visit the then Prime Minister. While the story of the success of the IPKF in Sri Lanka has seen mixed commentary, the unintended effects in a third country can’t be ignored.

India’s Peacekeeping Efforts

India, being part of the largest number of UN deployments, has excelled in peacekeeping operations. I recall meeting President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia once. She was full of praise for the Indian female contingent and its role in her country. Over the years, this dimension of India’s diplomacy has become one of the key supporting arguments for India’s claims for a permanent seat in the UNSC, an organisation it co-founded with others and to which it has remained committed, albeit with suggestions for reforms. Here again, one notices the congruences of military diplomacy.

From evacuation operations in conflict or disease-ridden zones to providing maritime security against piracy, terrorism and interventions by non-state actors, the role of Indian forces is critical. The most recent example has been the way the Indian Navy has kept the sea lines of communications (SLOCS) open under the unremitting Houthi attacks in the Red Sea and even the Indian Ocean. Likewise, from Nepal and Turkey to Africa and Latin America, providing humanitarian assistance in the wake of manmade or natural disasters has become the hallmark of Indian foreign and security diplomacy.

Bring Down Silos

In today’s landscape, riddled with grey zone warfare tactics and advanced cyber threats, a robust communication strategy and techno-economic inputs are indispensable. Perhaps the government should consider conducting regular briefings of retired diplomats and defence personnel, who can be good and reliable interlocutors if they have the line and facts at their disposal. It is also imperative to not only do a SWOT analysis of structural gaps in India’s military diplomacy but also define the turfs of various branches and forces in order to create an integrated strategy. For the military, that shouldn’t be difficult with the recently set up institution of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS). 

Defence, security and technology are critical drivers of strategic cooperation between countries and thus, they must be specifically and vigorously pursued. The defence sector under the ‘Make in India’ vision has become a priority, and military diplomacy can play an important role here. India has instituted 2+2 dialogues with various countries at the Defence Minister and External Affairs Minister (EAM) levels. This should percolate down to the grassroots, to bridge the divide between defence forces, bureaucracy and diplomats. A whole-of-government approach is the need of the hour. 

(The author is India’s former Ambassador to Jordan, Libya and Malta)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

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Israeli forces are carrying out “offensive action” across southern Lebanon, Defence Minister Yoav Gallant said Wednesday without specifying whether ground troops had crossed the border.

“Many forces are deployed on the border and IDF (army) forces are carrying out offensive action currently throughout southern Lebanon,” Mr. Gallant said in a statement.

He also claimed that “half of Hezbollah’s commanders in southern Lebanon have been eliminated” in months of violence. “The other half are in hiding and abandoning the field to IDF operations,” he added without giving a specific number.

A spokesman for the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) told AFP that “we didn’t detect any ground crossing today.”

The Israeli army said it had struck 40 Hezbollah targets in southern Lebanon. “A short while ago, IDF (army) fighter jets and artillery struck approximately 40 Hezbollah terror targets” around Aita al-Shaab in southern Lebanon, including storage facilities and weaponry, it said.

The army said Hezbollah “has established dozens of terror means and infrastructures in the area” to attack Israel.

Lebanon’s state-run National News Agency said Israel had carried out more than 13 strikes near Aita al-Shaab and surrounding villages. “Israeli warplanes carried out… more than 13 air strikes targeting the outskirts of the towns of Aita al-Shaab, Ramya, Jabal Balat and Khallet Warda,” it said.

The strikes came after the Iran-backed Hezbollah movement said it fired a fresh barrage of rockets across the border on Wednesday following a strike that killed two civilians which the group blamed on Israel.

The group had already fired rockets at northern Israel late on Tuesday “in response” to the civilian deaths.

“The targeting of civilians… cannot happen without a concrete response,” Hezbollah member of parliament Hassan Fadlallah told Lebanon’s National News Agency during a funeral procession in southern Lebanon.

“Let us make this enemy understand that… we are ready for any scenario,” he added.

Cross-border exchanges of fire have flared between the Israeli army and Hezbollah since Hamas’s October 7 attack on Israel triggered war in Gaza.

Hezbollah began near-daily attacks against Israel on October 8 in support of its Palestinian ally Hamas.

Since October 7, at least 380 people have been killed in Lebanon, mostly Hezbollah fighters but also 72 civilians, according to an AFP tally.

Israel says 11 soldiers and eight civilians have been killed on its side of the border.

Tens of thousands have been displaced on both sides of the border.

On January 2, a strike widely blamed on Israel killed Hamas’s deputy leader Saleh al-Aruri in southern Beirut.

Aruri is the most high-profile Hamas figure to be killed during the war.

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