On the afternoon of September 8, Riddhima Sanba, 23, and her friends scurried to a cafe, some 200 metres from the Parliament building in Kathmandu, when clashes erupted between young protesters and security forces in Nepal. Tear gas filled the cafe, and the police fired gunshots.

“We could hear shouting and screaming and clamour outside,” Sanba recalled, about the first day of Nepal’s youth-led protests against corruption, the lavish lifestyles of political elites, and misgovernance. The Himalayan country abolished the centuries-old monarchy and became a constitutional republic in 2008. Its current Constitution came into effect in 2015.

Sanba had been part of the protests since that morning, following weeks-long discussions online among Nepali youths, largely clustered under the umbrella of Gen Z, those born roughly between 1997 and 2012. “The call was for peaceful protests, but things spiralled out of control quickly,” she said.

The youth, in their school and college uniforms, gathered at Maitighar Mandala in the heart of Kathmandu. Maitighar is synonymous with protests. It is just metres away from the Supreme Court, the pinnacle of justice.

Slowly, the crowd swelled into thousands. The protesters gradually started to march towards the Parliament building, about a kilometre away, said Sanba.

“We were minding our friends and supplying water,” recalled the BBA final-year marketing student who works as a marketing head and content creator for a private company. “We had no plans to clash with the police. But as security forces charged, demonstrations flared up.”

By the evening of September 8, official figures were out — at least 19 young lives had been lost, allegedly due to excessive force used by security forces on the demonstrators.

The next day, defying the government’s curfew, demonstrators not only filled the streets, but also turned violent — attacking politicians and their homes, government infrastructure, and business properties.

“They were not only Gen Z; there were a lot of other people. The second day was chaotic. None of us could comprehend what exactly was going on,” Sanba said.

But the events of September 8 and 9 did not erupt out of the blue. Online, a storm had already been brewing in Nepal.

From a spark to a storm

On September 4, the government, led by K.P. Sharma Oli, a leader of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), imposed a sweeping ban on 26 social media sites, including X, Facebook, and Instagram, citing their failure to meet the deadline to comply with registration requirements.

The youth, who had used social media to band together, took this not just as an affront, but also as a brutal attack on their civic space. “The digital space we were using just went dark suddenly,” said Sanba. “It was like being robbed of our agency, our right to speak and express ourselves.”

There was already a lot of anger against corruption and nepotism. Videos and clips about “nepo kids” and “nepo babies” were already circulating in the digital sphere. They showed politicians’ children flaunting lavish lifestyles — travelling in luxury cars, going on foreign vacations, and throwing extravagant parties.

Anmol Ghimire, 19, who participated in the discussions online in the lead-up to the protests, said Gen Z were definitely not protesting only the social media ban. “But the government’s sudden prohibition on social media sites did light a fuse,” said the student of cybersecurity and digital forensics at the British College in Kathmandu. “All we wanted was to call for an end to corruption, and a leadership that could fix the economy, unemployment, and a system that ensured a good future for us young people.”

Transparency International, which aims “to end the injustice of corruption”, published a report earlier this year, ranking Nepal 107th among 180 countries, with a score of 34, on the Corruption Perceptions Index. According to the World Bank, one in five Nepalis aged 15-24 is unemployed. With a high unemployment rate at home, and GDP per capita just a little over $1,400, millions of Nepalis look for jobs abroad. The people believe that this demonstrates the failure of Nepal’s ruling class.

Deaths and devastation

Multiple Gen Z protesters said they were taken aback by the degree of devastation on September 9, as the demonstrations descended into chaos. Several protesters burned down the Parliament and set the Supreme Court on fire. They set ablaze Singha Durbar, the main government complex, which was once a palace dating back over 100 years. They also attacked hotels and business enterprises. For several days after, the smell of charred papers and smoke filled the air. Blackened buildings and piles of soot were a common sight, and burnt vehicles could be seen across parking areas.

Two senior officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said that security forces were in no position to contain the crowds, as protesters stormed the buildings from all sides.

On September 8, the Home Minister, Ramesh Lekhak, stepped down. On the following day, Oli resigned as Prime Minister, leaving a political vacuum. With no administration in effect, anarchy ensued. The demonstrators beat up Sher Bahadur Deuba, a five-time Prime Minister, and his wife, Arzu Deuba, a Minister in the Oli Cabinet. They set on fire former Prime Minister Jhala Nath Khanal’s home. His wife, Rajyalaxmi Chitrakar, suffered severe burn injuries.

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The official casualty figure stood at 73, with the majority being protesters. The rest included police officials and others who died from burns sustained when buildings were set on fire during the protests, according to information compiled by the government and police.

The tense situation forced the Nepal Army to step in to take charge of security. The Army airlifted Oli and other senior leaders to one of its barracks on the northern rim of Kathmandu for their safety.

Two major hospitals — the National Trauma Centre and the Civil Service Hospital — were filled with the injured, who had bullets lodged in their head, neck, arms, and legs. Doctors and nurses said they worked extra hours.

“We did not expect youngsters to be brought here with bullets even in their chests,” said a doctor at the Civil Service Hospital, a stone’s throw from the Parliament building. “Tear gas shells were fired even within the hospital premises.”

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More than 100 people are still receiving treatment. The dead were cremated on September 16 with state honours. On September 17, the government declared a public holiday in their memory, with flags flying at half-mast. It declared all those killed ‘martyrs’.

Most of the demonstrators who lost their lives were between the ages of 19 and 24, according to hospitals. Some were in Kathmandu to study and work, while others were preparing for foreign employment or higher education abroad, family members outside the hospitals said.

Discontent turns to dissent

Analysts said a public eruption on the streets was long overdue. “It was not a matter of if, but when,” said Krishna Khanal, a professor of political science at Tribhuvan University in Kathmandu. “It was for everyone to see that the political class was failing on all fronts. Their promises of reform were turning hollow by the years.”

Since the new Constitution came into effect in 2015, Nepal has seen multiple government changes with the same three faces at the helm on a rotational basis: Oli, Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda”. Their role in past democratic struggles is publicly acknowledged, but the perception had been growing that they were no longer fit to run the country. Khanal said frustration at Nepal’s political parties had been growing, and “what we are calling Gen Z decided to take matters into their own hands.”

Oli began centralising power by consolidating several powerful departments under the Prime Minister’s Office. His government issued a policy, making it difficult for NGOs in Nepal to register and operate.

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Ajaya Bhadra Khanal, research director at the Centre for Social Innovation and Foreign Policy, said Oli’s authoritarian tendencies became evident from his first stint in 2018. “He tried to control the legislative process, policy making, and governance,” he said. “The way he bulldozed the party statute amendment to secure a third term as party chair also showed he was inclined to rule with an iron fist.” Last July, Oli inked a midnight power-sharing deal with Deuba to form a new ‘national consensus government’ to replace the coalition government led by “Prachanda.”

Further, media exposés on land grabs, corruption, gold smuggling, and the Bhutanese refugee scam, among others, were not pursued.

Semblance of calm

As the Army stepped in, President Ram Chandra Poudel called for restraint and invited the protesting groups for talks. Army Chief General Ashok Sigdel was tasked with negotiating with Gen Z protesters. But who could he talk to?

The protests had started spontaneously after discussions among various groups and subgroups, especially on the digital platform Discord. “We are not a political party, we are not an organised group. Yes, we did lack structural leadership,” said Yujan Rajbhandari, 23, one of the youth representatives who met Gen. Sigdel.

Negotiations began late on September 9 and continued, as the representatives demanded a leader with wider acceptance, who they believed was honest to head the government.

“After hours of discussions among ourselves, a majority agreed on Sushila Karki’s name,” said Rajbhandari, a civil engineering student. “Her support for our protest, her integrity, and her anti-corruption stance made us think she was the right candidate.”

Ms. Karki, a former Chief Justice, who often speaks out against corruption from various public forums, was the first public figure to visit hospitals and meet the injured. She passionately supported Gen Z’s protest. She was at Kathmandu’s Civil Hospital, near the Parliament building on September 9, and said, “The way the state has responded to this youth protest is unacceptable. The protesters’ demand is justified.”

After marathon meetings, on the night of September 12, President Poudel appointed Karki, 73, as head of the interim government. Hours later, he dissolved Parliament and called for elections on March 5.

While calm has returned to Kathmandu and elsewhere, uncertainty still hangs in the air.

The road ahead

In her first public statement after assuming office on September 14, Ms. Karki said she would follow through on the protesters’ demands to end corruption. “I had no desire to come here. My name was brought from the streets,” she said. “We will not stay beyond six months under any circumstance. We will fulfil our responsibilities and hand over power to the next Parliament and elected ministers.”

Ms. Karki’s Cabinet includes Rameshore Khanal, an economist who has long advocated economic reforms; Kulman Ghising, an electrical engineer credited with ending power cuts; and Om Prakash Aryal, a lawyer known for his anti-corruption and social justice work.

Rajbhandari, the Gen Z representative, said the Cabinet may not be an ideal one, but it is fit to steer the country towards elections and restore democratic order. “We were definitely not for a system change or the overturning of the Constitution. Our groups that led the protests were not demanding the return of the monarchy,” he said. “We are for a democratic government that works for the welfare of the people and the country. We need corruption rooted out; we want clean people to lead the country, who can inspire hope.”

Professor Khanal said this government’s main challenge is to hold elections on time by winning the confidence of the major stakeholders — the youth representatives as well as the political parties. “This interim government has the uphill task of bringing political players to the elections while not undermining the spirit of Gen Z,” he said.

For Sanba, the marketing student, and many like her, hope now rests on the promise that their voices will lead to change, and that the sacrifice of so many young lives will not be in vain. They are hopeful about the current government.

They also insist that the violence against young protesters be investigated and that those behind the arson, attacks on government buildings, and other criminal acts be held accountable.

Sanba maintains that Gen Z was not involved in the violence. “We strongly believe that our protest was infiltrated, and our movement was taken advantage of,” she said. “Almost like using our shoulders to aim and fire.”

Sanjeev Satgainya is former editor of The Kathmandu Post. Email: sanjeevsatgainya@gmail.com

Newly elected Prime Minister K.P. Oli is being sworn in by President Ram Prasad Poudel, unseen, at the Presidential residence in Kathmandu, Nepal on July 15, 2024.
| Photo Credit: AP

Newly-appointed Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli on July 18 said that Nepal’s future is “bright”, but its current scenario needs to be changed, amidst frequent political turmoil in the Himalayan nation.

Mr. Oli, who was sworn in on Monday as the Himalayan nation’s Prime Minister for the fourth time, said the country’s current scenario is not good, The Rising Nepal newspaper reported.

Addressing the Engineer Day event, the 72-year-old veteran Communist leader said that though the country is praiseworthy, its situation does not match it.

Nepal has faced frequent political turmoil as the country has seen 14 governments in the past 16 years after the Republican system was introduced.

“There is an issue in the country. If a body is unwell, then it cannot be said that hands are fine. Just like when the fever comes, the whole body suffers; the situation of the country is not good overall, at least not praiseworthy,” Mr. Oli was quoted as saying.

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“The history of our country is glorious and worth praising, just like the country is. There is no doubt that the future of our country is good, but it is, at present, not in a place of satisfaction. Therefore, it needs to be changed,” he said.

He underscored that the need of the hour was to take the country towards betterment from the present deteriorated condition, Nepal’s state-run RSS news agency reported.

Asserting that the government was involved in resolving the country’s existing problems, Mr. Oli said, “There is no condition of being satisfied. We have to change this condition. There is no doubt that the future of the country is bright.” He expressed commitment that the government would advance, resolving problems surfacing in every sector.

Mr. Oli, who needs to secure a vote of confidence from Parliament within 30 days of appointment, will take a vote of confidence on Sunday.

Nepal’s Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal, also known as Prachanda. File
| Photo Credit: Reuters

Embattled Nepal Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ has decided not to resign from the post despite an agreement reached between the country’s largest parties – Nepali Congress and CPN-UML – to form a new coalition government.

In a meeting of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) office-bearers held in Baluwatar on Tuesday, Prime Minister Prachanda said he would rather face a vote of confidence in Parliament than resign from the post, the party Secretary Ganesh Shah told PTI.

“The Prime Minister has decided to seek a vote of confidence,” said Mr. Shah.

Mr. Prachanda, 69, has won three votes of confidence in Parliament during his one-and-a-half-year term.

The development came after Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba and the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) chairman K.P. Sharma Oli inked a midnight power-sharing deal to form a new ‘national consensus government’ to replace the Prachanda-led coalition government.

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Nepali Congress, the largest party in the House of Representatives (HoR) has 89 seats at present, while CPN-UML has 78 seats. The combined strength of the two large parties is 167, which is sufficient for a majority of 138 seats in the 275-member HoR.

Mr. Deuba, 78 and Mr. Oli, 72, agreed to share the Prime Ministerial position on a rotation basis for the rest of the term of the Parliament.

Meanwhile, the talks between Prime Minister Prachanda and CPN-UML chief Oli to save the current coalition also failed, according to Maoist sources.

Quoting PM Prachanda, Mr. Shah said that a conspiracy has been hatched to topple the coalition government and create instability in the country.

The conspiracy came at a time when the government focused on ending corruption and introducing good governance, he said.

As per the constitutional provision, the prime minister will have 30 days to seek a vote of confidence in the House of Representatives, which would give PM Prachanda some time for political manoeuvring.

“We will engage in discussions with various parties, including the Rashtriya Swatantra Party (RSP), Nepali Congress, and CPN-UML, so as to save the coalition,” PM Prachanda was quoted as saying.

Nepali Congress President Deuba briefed party officials about the agreement with the CPN-UML during a meeting of office bearers at his residence in Budhanilkantha on Tuesday morning, according to party sources.

Mr. Deuba discussed the initial power-sharing deal reached with CPN-UML, explaining that the leadership of the government formed under this agreement would alternate between the two parties.

In the meantime, the RSP, one of the key ruling coalition partners, has decided not to participate in the new alliance between the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML.

During a secretariat meeting on Tuesday, the party also decided to withdraw from the current government, party sources said.

The party currently enjoys 21 seats in the House of Representatives.

Nepal has had 13 governments in the last 16 years, indicating the fragile nature of the Himalayan nation’s political system.

In a dramatic political development, Nepal’s two largest parties — Nepali Congress and CPN-UML — have inked a midnight power-sharing deal to form a new ‘national consensus government’ to replace the coalition government led by Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda.”

Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba and Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) chairman and former prime minister K.P. Sharma Oli, reached an understanding on forming a new coalition on Monday midnight, according to former foreign minister Narayan Prakash Saud.

Mr. Deuba, 78 and Mr. Oli, 72, agreed to share the Prime Ministerial position on a rotation basis for the rest of the term of the Parliament, said Mr. Saud, who is also a Nepali Congress central member.

Nepali Congress, the largest party in the House of Representatives (HoR) has 89 seats at present while CPN-UML has 78 seats. The combined strength of the two large parties is 167, which is sufficient for a majority of 138 seats in the 275-member HoR.

The two leaders also met on Saturday to lay the ground for a potential new political alliance between the two parties, following which Mr. Oli’s CPN-UML ended its association with the Prachanda-led government barely four months after extending support to it.

Sharing premiership

Under the agreement that is likely to be finalised on Tuesday, the CPN-UML chief Mr. Oli will lead the government in the first phase of the remaining term of Parliament. The two leaders have agreed to share the premiership for one and a half years, turn by turn, Mr. Saud said.

The two leaders tentatively agreed to form a new government, amend the Constitution, and work out a power-sharing formula, which they reportedly shared with a few confidants, media reports said, quoting multiple senior leaders from both parties.

Nepal has had 13 governments in the last 16 years, indicating the fragile nature of the Himalayan nation’s political system.

The ministers belonging to the CPN-UML in the Prachanda-led Cabinet are likely to resign en-mass in the afternoon, sources close to the CPN-UML said.

CPN-UML secretary Shanker Pokharel has told media persons that an agreement was reached with the Nepali Congress to form a national government led by Mr. Oli, a former prime minister.

The new government will be formed to maintain political stability in the country and make necessary amendments to the Constitution.

Prachanda holds talks

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Prachanda is holding talks with CPN-UML chief Mr. Oli to discuss the latest political developments, according to sources close to the CPN-Maoist Centre.

“Prachanda is not going to resign from the post at this moment. Nothing can be said before the talk being held between Prachanda and Oli concludes,” said Ganesh Shah, CPN-Maoist Centre secretary.

According to the agreement reached, during Mr. Oli’s tenure, the CPN-UML will take control of ministries, including the Prime Minister’s position and the Finance Ministry. Similarly, the Nepali Congress will oversee ten ministries, including the Home Ministry, MyRepublica news portal reported.

According to the agreement, the CPN-UML will lead provincial governments in Koshi, Lumbini and Karnali provinces and the Nepali Congress will lead the provincial governments of Bagmati, Gandaki and Sudurpaschim provinces.

Mr. Oli and Mr. Deuba have also agreed to involve Madhes-based parties in leading Madhesh Province and have committed to constitutional amendments.

The draft agreement was prepared by a four-member task force, The Kathmandu Post newspaper reported.

It will detail the power-sharing arrangement, propose amendments to the Constitution, review the electoral system, including proportional representation, change national assembly arrangements, and discuss the size of provincial assemblies, according to a task force member.

Differences

Differences between Mr. Oli and Prime Minister Prachanda had been steadily building, and Oli was unhappy with the recent budget allocations made by the government for the fiscal year 2024-25, which he had publicly spoken about.

Worried by the closed-door meeting between Mr. Deuba and Mr. Oli, Mr. Prachanda had gone to meet Mr. Oli to assure that the government is serious about addressing issues raised by CPN-UML, including its concern about the new budget, observers said.

During their meeting on Monday morning, Mr. Oli reportedly requested Mr. Prachanda to support him by stepping down, the report said.

Mr. Prachanda offered Mr. Oli the post of prime minister within the current ruling coalition, which the latter turned down, expressing his desire to lead a consensus government, a CPN-UML leader was quoted as saying.

Mr. Prachanda, 69, won three votes of confidence in Parliament during his one-and-a-half-year term.