The India-Russia partnership has been among the “steadiest big relationships” in the last 70-80 years, and President Vladimir Putin’s visit to New Delhi was about “reimagining” the ties with a focus on economic engagement, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar said on Saturday (December 6, 2025).

In an interactive session, he also disagreed with views that Mr. Putin’s visit could complicate India’s negotiations with the U.S. on a bilateral trade agreement.

“No, I disagree with you. I think everybody knows that India has relations with all the major countries in the world,” Mr. Jaishankar said at a media summit in Delhi.

“I think for any country to expect to have a veto or a say in how we develop our relations with others is not a reasonable proposition.”

Mr. Jaishankar was asked if Mr. Putin’s two-day visit to New Delhi that focused largely on significantly enhancing the economic dimension of India-Russia ties will have a bearing on the negotiations with the U.S. for the proposed trade deal.

“Because remember, the others can expect the same. I think we’ve always made it very clear that we have multiple relationships. We have a freedom of choice,” he said.

“We talk about what is called strategic autonomy and that continues and I cannot imagine why anybody would have reason to expect the contrary,” he added.

The External Affairs Minister (EAM) acknowledged that the focus of the Trump administration has been on trade and noted that India’s approach in navigating it is totally driven by national interests.

“I think clearly right now trade is the most important issue there. We have, it’s clearly very central to the thinking in Washington, much more than it was to earlier administrations, which is something which we have recognised, and we are prepared to meet,” he said.

“But we are prepared to meet it on reasonable terms. I mean, for those of you who think that diplomacy is about pleasing somebody else I’m sorry, that’s not my view of diplomacy. I mean, to me, it is about defending our national interests,” he said.

The India-U.S. relations are going through possibly the worst phase in the last two decades after Washington imposed a whopping 50% tariff on Indian goods, including 25% levies for New Delhi’s procurement of Russian crude oil.

The two sides are currently holding negotiations for the proposed a trade deal “We believe that there can be a landing point for our respective trade interests. Obviously, that is something which will be negotiated hard because it has an implication for livelihoods in this country,” he said.

“At the end of the day, for us the interests of the workers and the farmers and the small business and the middle-class matters. When we look at a trade agreement with a country like the U.S., you have to be extremely judicious about your position, about what you put on the table,” he said.

On President Putin’s two-day trip to India, Mr. Jaishankar said for a “big” and “rising” country like India, it is important to maintain good cooperation with as many important players as possible in the world in line with freedom of choice.

“I think if you look at India-Russia, the world has seen a lot of ups and downs in the last 70-80 years. I’ve said this before and I’ll say it again, India, Russia have actually been among the steadiest big relationships, big power or big country relationships in the world,” he said.

“Even Russia’s own relationship with China or U.S. or Europe has had its ups and downs. Our relationships with many of these countries have had it too,” he added.

In any relationship, Mr. Jaishankar noted, it is natural that some aspects of it develop and some kind of don’t keep up.

“In the case of Russia, what had happened for a variety of reasons, I think they visualised the West and China as their primary economic partners. We visualised perhaps the same. So, the economic side of the relationship had somehow not kept pace. You can see that in the numbers,” he said.

Mr. Putin’s visit in many ways was about reimagining the relationship, he said.

“It was about building dimensions and facets which it lacked or didn’t have in enough measure. if I were to pick two or three big takeaways, for me, the mobility agreement where Indians would now much more seamlessly find work opportunities in Russia was one big outcome,” he added.

The understanding on a joint venture on fertilisers was another major take away, according to Mr. Jaishankar.

“We are the world’s second biggest fertiliser importer after Brazil. It’s a recurring issue that we have. And also, because the fertiliser sources have been very unstable. They’ve turned on and turned off the tap. So, we had an agreement to create an important substantial joint venture on fertilisers,” he said.

On India’s ties with China, Mr. Jaishankar said the key point that New Delhi made was that peace and tranquillity in the border areas is a prerequisite for good relations and it is being maintained and is being built upon.

“But it’s not like that was the only issue in the relationship. There were many other issues, some of which predated Galwan. So, there are issues about trade, there are issues about investment, there are issues about competition, about subsidies, about fairness, about transparency,” he said.

“These are real issues as well. We are trying to work our way through some of it. Some of it is easier, some of it is harder,” he added.

To a question on Pakistan Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir, Mr. Jaishankar said much of India’s problem emanates from the military of that country and even referred to its support for terror groups.

Like there are good terrorists and bad terrorists, there are good military leaders and apparently not-so-good ones, he said, seen as a reference to Mr. Munir.

“I think for us, the reality of the Pakistani army has always been and much of our problems actually emanate from them. When you look at the terrorism, when you look at the training camps, when you look at the sort of a policy of almost ideological hostility towards India, where does that come from? It comes from the army,” he said.

Mr. Jaishankar said India and Pakistan should not be hyphenated at all.

“Look at the state of Pakistan. See the differentials and the capabilities and frankly the reputation on either side. We should not get over obsessed and hyphenate ourselves with them. There is a challenge, there are issues that we’ll deal with,” he added.

On Bangladesh, the EAM said India is a well-wisher of that country.

“We think as a democratic country, any democratic country likes to see the will of the people ascertained through a democratic process.”

“I’m quite confident that whatever comes out of the democratic process would have a balanced and mature view about the relationship and, hopefully things would improve,” he said.

Asked if former Bangladesh prime minister Sheikh Hasina will continue to stay in India, he said, “She came here in a certain circumstance, and I think that circumstance clearly sort of is a factor in what happens to her. But again, that is something which she has to make up her mind.”

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
| Photo Credit: Reuters

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Earlier in July, immediately after Prime Minister Modi wrapped up a bilateral summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, since first visit to Russia since the Ukraine war began in february 2022, the U.S.’s Ambassador in India made a rare public criticism of India’s Russia policy. “There is no such thing as strategic autonomy in times of conflict; we will, in crisis moments, need to know each other,” Ambassador Eric Garcetti said. In Washington DC, the State Department also expressed “concerns” over India’s ties with Russia, while National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan warned India of Russia’s deepening partnership with China. Public comments did not end there. On July 23, almost two weeks after Mr. Modi’s Russia visit, Donald Lu, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia, told lawmakers at a Congressional hearing in Washington that the U.S. was “disappointed” about the symbolism and timing of Mr. Modi’s visit.

The overall trajectory of India’s strategic partnership with the U.S. seems steady. Many U.S. policymakers see the partnership with India as one of the most consequential bilateral relationships of the U.S. in the 21st century. They also see an economically growing, democratic India as an effective bulwark against the Communist Party-ruled China. In India, economic, defence and strategic partnership with the U.S. is seen as critical for the country’s continued rise as a major Asian power. But the disagreements lie in the details. India’s refusal to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its decision to ramp up energy trade with Moscow after it was sanctioned by the West did not go down well with Washington. Russia, cut off from the Western markets, found an economic lifeline in its booming trade with China and India, the world’s second and fifth largest economies, respectively.

In recent years, the India-U.S. partnership saw stress points in other areas as well. Indian nationals were accused of killing Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Khalistan separatist, in Canada last year. The U.S. government has also sought accountability from the Indian government over a plot to kill Sikh separatist leader Gurpatwant Singh Pannun in New York. An Indian national is now in jail in the U.S. in connection with the case. India has denied any role in these incidents, but allegations have added to tensions in bilateral relations. And Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Russia, on the eve of a NATO summit in Washington whose main agenda was to strengthen Ukraine against the Russian invasion, seemed to have “disturbed” the Biden administration, as a Washington Post report claimed.

In its response, India’s Ministry of External Affairs said it values its strategic autonomy. “India, like many other countries, values its strategic autonomy. The U.S. Ambassador is entitled to his opinion. Obviously, we have different views,” MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said. “Our comprehensive global strategic partnership with the U.S. gives us the space to agree to disagree on certain issues, while respecting each other’s view-points,” he added.

What’s strategic autonomy, which India is fiercely protective about? “A simple definition of the concept is that countries should be able to make decisions that best serve their national interests, irrespective of the pulls and pressures from other parties,” I wrote in this July 19 Oped in The Hindu. And why is it significant for India? Watch the latest episode of Realpolitik, our video explainer column: What’s strategic autonomy and why is it important for India? | Realpolitik.

‘Victory for Maduro’

Nicolas Maduro, Venezuela’s President who claims to be a successor of Chavismo, the socialist ideology championed by the late, charismatic President, Hugo Chavez, “won” a third consecutive term in Sunday’s election, according to Venezuela’s election authorities. Mr. Maduro, a former bus driver-tuned-politician, won 51% of the vote, while his main rival Edmundo Gonzalez garnered 44%. Before the vote, opinion polls had stated that Mr. Maduro, who rose to power after Chavez died of cancer in 2013, was trailing. And he had warned of a civil war and bloodbath if he lost the election. Mr. Gonzalez was not the opposition’s original pick against Mr. Maduro. Maria Corina Machado, arguably the most popular opposition leader who won the opposition primaries, was disqualified by the Supreme Court for supporting another opposition figure Juan Guaido’s rebellion against Mr. Maduro.

On Mr. Maduro’s watch, Venezuela’s economy, also battered by U.S. sanctions, contracted by 80% in 10 years. According to UNHCR, more than 7.7 million Venezuelans fled the country in a decade. In 2013, when Chanez passed away, Venezuela had a household poverty rate of 33.1% and extreme poverty at 11.4%, down from 61.5% and 30%, respectively, in 2003. In 10 years, the figures jumped to 82% and 53%, respectively. In other words, Mr. Maduro oversaw the total collapse of Venezuela’s economy. And he still managed to “win’ another term, extending his rule for six more years. What’s Maduro’s politics and how did he emerge as a strong man? Read this profile of the Venezuelan leader, written by my colleague Srinivasan Ramani: Nicolas Maduro | Chavism’s designated successor.

Sri Lanka to hold elections

Sri Lanka’s presidential elections will be held on September 21, the Election Commission announced on July 26. Some 17 million voters will have their first chance of electing the country’s leader, after a mass people’s uprising ousted former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa two years ago. President Ranil Wickremesinghe was among the first to formally get into the fray. His office announced making a cash deposit at the Commission for his candidacy as an independent, although he has relied on the Rajapaksas’ Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or People’s Front) since his rise to Presidency through an urgent parliamentary vote, after Mr. Gotabaya’s resignation, reports Meera Srinivasan, from Colombo.

The Top Five

1. The ‘geo-calculus’ of the Moscow visit

There was one clear message — of the sure bet the Narendra Modi government has placed on India-Russia ties, writes Suhasini Haidar.

2. The importance of both Quad and BRICS

With India being the only country common to both Quad and BRICS and a founding member of both, it cannot afford to downplay one for the other, writes retired diplomat T.S. Tirumurti.

3. Between a fascist past and Right-wing present, Italy is fighting its many battles

Bursting at its seams with immigrants from the Global South and with a Right-wing government in power, Italy under Meloni finds itself in the eye of the identity politics storm; what complicates the matter further is the country’s perception as being on the wrong side of the not-so-long-ago history, Nishtha Gautam reports from Rome.

4. A new push in the Bay of Bengal

The intent of BIMSTEC member states to push forth with a bold vision for the region was evident at the 2nd Foreign Ministers’ Retreat, write Harsh V Pant and Sohini Bose.

5. Special relationship: On U.S. policy on Israel

The welcome Mr. Netanyahu received at Congress shows that he has the support of the elites. But the protest on the streets and the dissenting voices even among lawmakers suggest that the national consensus on Israel is eroding in the U.S., The Hindu writes in this editorial.

Washington:

Two senior US treasury officials are in India to urge New Delhi to maintain the implementation of the oil price cap aimed at limiting profits to Russia, while also promoting stable global energy markets, according to an official announcement.

Acting Assistant Secretary for Terrorist Financing Anna Morris and PDO Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy Eric Van Nostrand are travelling to New Delhi and Mumbai from April 2-5 to meet with government and private sector counterparts, the Treasury said in a statement on Wednesday.

“They will discuss key bilateral issues, including cooperation on anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism, other illicit finance issues, and continued implementation of the price cap, which seeks to further limit the profits Russia receives to fund its illegal invasion while promoting stable global energy markets,” it said.

Following Russia’s February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the G7 nations, the European Union, and Australia jointly implemented a price cap. This cap prohibits the utilisation of Western maritime services, including insurance, flagging, and transportation, for tankers transporting Russian oil priced at or above USD 60 per barrel.

In 2023, Russia had emerged as India’s top oil supplier. India has strong economic and defence ties with Russia and has refrained from criticising Moscow over its war with Ukraine.

Morris and Nostrand will deliver remarks on the price cap and participate in a Q&A hosted by the Ananta Aspen Centre in New Delhi on Thursday.

As Morris and Nostrand noted in a blog post last month, the second phase of the price cap continues to achieve its twin goals: restricting Russia’s oil profits, while supporting energy market stability, the statement said.

“The price at which Russia sells its oil has declined markedly since the second phase began; the shift reflects the effects of reduced oil prices globally over this period, but also a significant widening in the discount Russia earns relative to other global oil suppliers,” it said.

Energy market participants, analysts, and even Russian President Vladimir Putin’s own oil czar have linked the rising discount on Russian oil to the Coalition’s increased enforcement activities reflected in the second phase of the price cap – clear evidence that this second phase is working, the statement said.

“The price cap is helping maintain a steady supply of energy to global consumers and businesses, and providing key importers like India with more leverage to drive steeper bargains. At the same time, the price cap, along with key sanctions enforcement measures, is reducing Putin’s profits from selling that oil,” it said.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)