What are your thoughts from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to China to attend the SCO summit? Can we say India and China are now settling into a “new normal” despite persisting differences?

I think we are still quite far from reaching a new normal in our relations with China. Yes, it is true that both sides have signalled an intention to move forward. We have certainly taken some initial steps, which are important but probably more symbolic than substantive, to bring about a thaw like resuming airlinks, Kailash-Manasarovar yatra, liberalising the visa regime, etc. However, we still need to address larger issues like trade imbalance, market access to Indian goods and services, de-escalation and early harvest issues on the border, construction of their largest dam on their side of the Brahmaputra near the Indian border, etc.

Moreover, the Chinese have become active again in our neighbourhood. For example, their critical support to Pakistan during Operation Sindoor and their attempt to encircle India through our neighbours either physically or through groupings are all manifestations of this. In addition, we now have to deal with China both a neighbour as well as the No.2 power. For the first time, we have a superpower sharing a border with us. All this is changing the complexion of our relationship with China. The old template is not enough to deal with China in both these avatars. So, lot more needs to be done to restore trust before we can reach a new normal in our relations. As of now, our relations with China are highly securitised, which constrains progress to this new normal.

Some argue that global disruptions since Donald Trump came to power have nudged India and China closer. Do you see U.S. tariffs and trade policies shaping India’s approach to China, or it is part of a policy taken independent of U.S. pressure tactics?

While it is true that President Trump has disrupted the trajectory of India-U.S. relations, I doubt that the U.S. tariffs nudged us closer to China in any substantive way, since it was becoming clear to both India and China that the four-year stand-off at the border was becoming counterproductive for both. Consequently, we have stepped back a bit in October 2024 and worked on the first tranche of some symbolic steps. However, what we have done in Tianjin is to show the U.S. that we have options, we can manage our differences with China and should not be taken for granted. But how serious these options are is debatable given the more systemic problems we are currently facing with China as I mentioned earlier. That said, while countering China where necessary, we should also find common cause where possible. Neither country is doing enough to find synergy in regional, plurilateral or global issues.

Watch | ‘Old templates won’t work with China’: T.S. Tirumurti on India-China ties

That takes us to the U.S.-India ties, which now face turbulence — 50% tariffs, frictions on trade and repeated public criticisms from U.S, etc. How do you read these developments?

The U.S. has to decide first where they see India fit into their scheme of things. Secondly, they will have to make sure that our relations are not episodic by which I mean that every episode cannot subject our relations to trial by fire. You will also notice that the countries which have capitulated to the U.S. tariff threats and agreed to one-sided deals are the closest allies of the U.S. like the European Union, Japan, South Korea, etc. They paid that price not for the trade deal but for keeping their alliance alive. Without it, they are rudderless in the so-called liberal world order. The challenge to that order is real since, for the first time, it is coming from within – from the U.S. However, when the U.S. tried the same tactics with non-allies like India, it is not working out well. That’s because we are keen to preserve our relations with the U.S., but not at any cost.

Further, naming and shaming doesn’t work well with our leadership, as we saw when Prime Minister Indira Gandhi walked out on President Nixon. The way the U.S. cosied up to Pakistan after Operation Sindoor has muddied the waters even more. Levying punitive tariffs for buying Russian oil has brought in a completely extraneous geopolitical element into the trade issue. The U.S. is also asking the EU and G7 to levy 100% tariffs on India and China. We are also waiting to see how the U.S.-China deal impacts the Indo-Pacific and, of course, our geopolitical interests. This will in turn impact QUAD and so on. I am convinced both countries see value in our partnership and that’s why the trade negotiations are resuming. With the U.S. asking NATO countries to stop buying Russian oil, maybe the Damocles sword over us on punitive tariffs will finally lift.

The tensions in Indo-U.S. relations also bring India’s ties with Russia under the spotlight. With no end in sight for the Ukraine war, Indian position comes under great criticism from the U.S. How do you assess India’s Ukraine policy?

I am convinced that we took the right decision in 2022 to abstain on the U.N. Security Council resolutions on Ukraine and call for a return to diplomacy where the legitimate interests of all parties are addressed. But what I have been consistently arguing for, including in my writings, is that India should play a more active role on the Ukraine front, at the very least as a tactical move to deflect criticism.

This does not mean mediation but to remain actively engaged, especially when we knew that the West has been upset with us. I had pointed out to the active role India played in the Korean war in U.N. Security Council between 1951 and 1952, in recognition of which we were made Chair of Neutral Nations Repatriation Committee after the armistice. Operation Sindoor shows us that if we seek greater engagement of our partners with our conflicts and issues, we need to engage more with their conflicts and issues, especially when geopolitics is determining economic and technological outcomes. When I see the current parleys between India and the EU, France, Russia, the U.S., etc, I only wish we had done this earlier.

West Asia is another flashpoint. India, unlike most other Global South members, has avoided strong criticism of Israel over Gaza, but joined SCO and BRICS members in condemning Israel’s attacks in Iran. What explains these positions?

I am not sure whether Global South has really been vocal or impactful on the Gaza war. Gulf countries like Saudi Arabia and the UAE have remained on the sidelines of Gaza war. Their larger interest was to remove the threat of Iran and its proxies from the region, which Israel largely accomplished. The Gulf countries also want to normalise relations with Israel after signing of the Abraham accords with U.S. help. You have seen how they rolled the red carpet out for President Trump without exerting pressure on him to stop the Gaza war. India saw all this as a vindication of its pro-Israeli tilt given our close bilateral relations with Israel. However, with the devastation happening in Gaza and the rapid deterioration in the West Bank, our position is becoming untenable. While we may not want to get ahead of Gulf and the Arab world on the Palestine issue, we have big interests in that region though our interests may not necessarily coincide with theirs. Let us hope that our recent more balanced articulation translates into a more active engagement by India in West Asia.

Critics say India’s policy of “strategic autonomy” is under strain amid U.S.–China rivalry and the Ukraine war. Do you believe strategic autonomy still works for India, or does it require redefinition?

Strategic autonomy has worked for India so far from the time of PM Nehru’s non-alignment, where we refused to join either of the two Cold War blocs – led by the U.S. and the Soviet Union, right till today’s multi-alignment, where we engage with both the big powers – the U.S. and China. It has given us the space for independent decision-making. Just imagine if we had been an “ally” of the U.S. or China now, we would have been struggling in their clasp. Further, strategic autonomy for a big power like us is the path to emerge as a potential pole in an emerging multipolar world. It is also about leadership – showing the world that there is another path other than joining one of the two camps, just as our non-aligned stand did for the developing world then.

How do you look at the shifts in the global order? What guiding principles should shape India’s foreign policy in such uncertain times?

There are certainly serious disruptions to the global order. On the one hand, forces are tearing each other apart in conflicts and violating international law with impunity. On the other hand, global challenges like climate change, energy security, pandemics, AI and digital issues, cyber threats, etc. are forcing the same countries to cooperate and work together. That’s the irony. At which point these two forces meet will determine the trajectory of the global order. Also, let us not get too nostalgic about a world order which we neither shaped nor did it really help us even if we learnt to use it to our advantage despite all odds. An example is our rise as a nuclear power, where every conceivable hurdle was put in front of us at every point, including sanctions, and we still managed to overcome all that and emerge as a nuclear power.

We were never for status quo and always called for meaningful reform whether in UN Security Council or other 1945 architecture linked institutions like World Bank, IMF or WTO. Looking ahead, I can only say that as a rising power, we need to be proactive. We have been second to none to contribute to the global commons like vaccine maitri during COVID-19 or to combat climate change, etc. However, the world expects us to play a bigger role in conflicts and geopolitics. No more can we just put our head down, mind our own business and expect to become the third largest economy or Viksit Bharat by 2047. That template is broken. We need to get our geopolitics right.

New Delhi:

India’s diplomacy stands out globally for its ability to balance ties between adversaries. The latest example of this is happening this week. As foreign minister S Jaishankar touches down in New Delhi after a five-day visit to the US for Donald Trump’s inauguration, foreign secretary Vikram Misri heads to China to foster ties with Beijing.

Just ten days ago, during a visit to Spain, foreign minister S Jaishankar had said India is one of the very few countries in the world that can engage both Russia and Ukraine, as well as Israel and Iran. “This is something very, very unique. And it is unique because if you look at the world today, it is a very polarised world,” he said.

Donald Trump has threatened to impose hefty tariffs on China and even the BRICS+ countries, which India is a member of as well. China, the world’s second-largest economy, has warned that it will retaliate, should Washington actually follow through. President Trump has also targeted China over its presence in the Panama Canal and said the US will take control of the waterway even if it means involving the military. China, on the other hand, has warned Washington over its involvement with Taiwan. Both nations have sanctioned each other.

ENGAGING ALL SIDES

Amid all this, India, which according to PM Modi, has “always chosen the side of peace”, aims to engage all sides for positive and constructive outcomes. Earlier this week, S Jaishankar strengthened India-US bilateral ties when he met the US Secretary of State and National Security Adviser for their first foreign engagements after the Trump administration took over. As PM Modi’s special envoy, Dr Jaishankar was also given the first seat at the US President’s inauguration.

As he returned after concluding “a very positive” visit to Washington, India’s foreign secretary heads to Beijing to build the momentum in India-China ties following a meeting between PM Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping in Russia late-last year. Foreign Secretary Misri’s visit was preceded by a visit by National Security Adviser Ajit Doval last month when he met Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi.

REBUILDING AFTER THE STORM

India and China, two of Asia’s leading economies and the world’s most populous nations, are working to boost bilateral ties after a four-and-a-half-year-long military standoff along the Line of Actual Control or LAC brought ties to a grinding halt. After dozens of rounds of talks – both diplomatically and militarily – an agreement was reached and troops on both sides pulled back from the buffer zones, returning the status quo-ante. This happened within a week of PM Modi and Xi Jinping announcing it during a meeting in Russia late last year. Following this, Chinese and Indian foreign and defence ministers also met each other on multilateral occasions.

After Ajit Doval, foreign secretary Vikram Misri’s will be the second high-level visit by an Indian official to Beijing in a month.

A WELCOME FROM BEIJING

China has welcomed Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri’s visit this weekend and sounded positive about its outcome. “We welcome Foreign Secretary Shri Vikram Misri’s travel to China for the meeting of the Foreign Secretary-Vice Minister mechanism between China and India,” Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Mao Ning said.

India’s Ministry of External Affairs also said that “Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri will be visiting Beijing on January 26 and 27 for a meeting of the Foreign Secretary-Vice Minister mechanism between India and China. The resumption of this bilateral mechanism flows from the agreement at the leadership level to discuss the next steps for India-China relations, including in the political, economic, and people-to-people domains.”

THE AGENDA

Besides bilateral issues such as boundary talks, maintaining peace along the LAC, the building of the world’s largest dam on the Brahmaputra, resumption of the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra, people-to-people ties, resuming direct flights between the two countries, and facilitate the issuance of visas to Chinese citizens, the two sides are also likely to touch upon issues of mutual global interest.

“All matters of mutual interest will be discussed,” the foreign ministry said at a press briefing in New Delhi ahead of the foreign secretary’s visit.

The BRICS+, where both countries are threatened with massive tariffs, might figure in talks as well, as would the latest sanctions threat to countries dealing with Russia and buying Russian oil – again a common threat to both countries. Regional issues such as the situation in the Middle East and in Syria are likely to be discussed too.

US backing out of the Paris Climate agreement and the WHO, as well as the much-needed reform of the United Nations and the Security Council are likely to be discussed as well.

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New Delhi:

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar highlighted concepts for understanding Indian Foreign Policy to create a multigenerational foreign policy.

He was speaking at India’s World magazine launch event in the national capital on Sunday.

In his speech, Jaishankar highlighted the importance of developing nuanced foreign policy thinking and debates.

“Just like the economic debates and the economic model of this country became more open, I think foreign policy debates, foreign policy thinking of this country also has to keep pace with what is happening in the country and needs to be more open”, the EAM said at book launch event.

He discussed the four elements of Indian Foreign Policy mentioned by C Rajamohan- the importance of working with the West, the need for strategic autonomy, the requirement to expand multipolarity, and the importance of the non-Western world, including the global South. EAM said that along with these there are certain sets of concepts that need to give practicality on the ground.

Thus, presenting a conceptual sense of Indian foreign policy today, Jaishankar gave a list of set of ideas to keep in mind.

“I would first invite you to look at the world in concentric circles, so you have a neighbourhood first (policy), SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) in the oceans, the Act East and Indo-Pacific to the east, the Gulf and the whole link west and the IMEC to the west, leading all the way up to Eurasia and to Europe”, he said.

Explaining the second concept, he said that we need to have a multi-vector foreign policy where we look at our identity of interests with other middle and upper-middle powers. “We need to create sets of balances whose aggregate actually favours India’s rights”, Jaishankar added.

He noted that a third concept is to have a grand strategy, “which looks over the horizon because if you are to be a leading power one day, if you are to have a strategy that is truly grand, then one has to not plan for today or tomorrow, but for the next generation, maybe even beyond”.

He listed out Indian initiatives in this regard from the past decade. These include the focus on Latin America, reaching out to CARICOM (Caribbean Community and Common Market ), the interest in the Pacific Islands, and the involvement with new connectivity initiatives.

“I would suggest to you that this is an India that is actually planning at least a generation ahead, trying to expand its footprint”, EAM said.

Jaishankar said, “If we visualise the world in a much more focused way, in a much more actionable way, if we learn to play the world stage more adeptly, which is not without its risks and its anxieties, and if you actually look over the horizon, I think you have the makings here of what would be in a sense a multigenerational foreign policy”.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

New Delhi:

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar on Thursday attended the book launch event of former Indian cricketer Mohinder Amarnath, where he drew intriguing parallels between cricket and Indian foreign policy.

Speaking at the release of former Indian cricketer Mohinder Amarnath’s memoir ‘Fearless’, EAM S Jaishankar while commenting upon India’s victory in the 1983 Cricket World Cup, said, “I think nobody has any doubt that 1983 was the inflection point. It was not just the inflection point, but the man of the match of the inflection point. Pakistan won it at one point and Sri Lanka won it at one point. But nowhere else was it as big an inflection point as it was in the history of cricket. Because, if you look at India’s role in world cricket after 1983, it fundamentally changed.”

Drawing an interesting analogy between cricket and foreign policy, the Mr Jaishankar remarked, “I like to constantly compare the evolution of cricket in India with the evolution of Indian foreign policy, and with India itself”.

He noted various takeaways from the book which draw parallels with India’s foreign policy. “The first takeaway is that the world is intensely competitive, but respect is earned. So the same Clive Lloyd in 1976, who did not spare any of you from body line bowling, was also the fielding captain who was generous enough to declare that pitch unfit in 1983. And that, in many ways, was respect earned”.

He said that another takeaway was the difference which one person can make.

Mr Jaishankar said that when they think of foreign policy, they often compare it with chess, but it is not like chess at all.

“It’s far more like cricket. And it is like cricket because first, there are many players. Two, the playing conditions keep varying. Playing at home and playing abroad are very different. You are at the umpire’s whims at times. There are many formats. And at the end of the day, a lot of it is about psychology, trying to outthink the other team, trying to get into their heads. That every time you go out there to do your business, it is actually that competitive spirit that you tell yourself, I have to win this”, Mr Jaishankar said.

He remarked, “So cricketers are great analogies to explain to people in very complex situations what they should be like in their behaviour. So in my own system, if I have to tell someone, hang in there. Take it on the chip. Whatever happens, stand your ground. You are the analogy I use”.

Mr Jaishankar said that today’s India is the India the world wants to play with and “an India which is frankly good for global business, an India which sets standards, which tests other people’s metal”.

He reiterated the advice given by cricketer Mohinder Amarnath’s father for his colleagues. “Move early, play late, prepare well, anticipate, read them and then play”.

Commenting upon Pakistan, Mr Jaishankar referred to Amarnath’s views on Pakistan and the 1982-83 tour. “You said you played them better because from the traditional side-on position, you now move to an open-chested position. I couldn’t have found a better description for a Pakistan policy that time”.

Mohinder Amarnath is the son of the legendary cricketer Lala Amarnath.

He played for the Indian national team from 1969 to 1989, scoring 4378 Test runs. Nine of his eleven Test centuries were scored overseas. He was Man of the Match in the semi-final and the final when India won the World Cup in 1983. He was named one of the Wisden Cricketers of the Year in 1984 and also received the Arjuna Award the same year.

‘Fearless’ is the memoir of cricketing legend Mohinder Amarnath.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

New Delhi:

India and Oman will sign a trade deal in the coming months, two Indian government officials said, as New Delhi seeks to expand its ties in the Middle East, where rising tensions are putting major shipping routes at risk.

“It will help India with a strategic partner and access to key trade routes in a volatile region,” one official told Reuters.

India and Oman have annual trade of less than $13 billion, but the relationship is important for New Delhi as the Gulf nation is a gateway to the narrow Strait of Hormuz between Oman and Iran, a major transit point for global oil shipments.

Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza has spread to hostilities with Iran, and Yemen’s Iran-aligned Houthi militants have launched repeated drone and missile strikes in the Red Sea area, claiming solidarity with the Palestinians in Gaza.

The trade deal requires the approval of the government that wins India’s ongoing national elections, whose results are to be announced on June 4, the officials said. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is widely expected to win a rare third term.

The officials asked not to be named as the discussions are private.

India’s trade and foreign ministries and Oman’s embassy in India and foreign ministry did not respond to emails seeking comment.

Making little progress on a deal with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), India has pivoted to seeking bilateral deals with GCC member nations such as Oman and United Arab Emirates.

The planned deal with Oman “also gives a competitive edge as GCC is negotiating trade agreements with Pakistan and China,” the official said.

Oman has agreed to eliminate duties on Indian exports worth an annual $3 billion including agricultural products, gems and jewellery, leather, automobiles, medical devices, engineering products and textiles, the officials said

India has agreed to reduce duties on some petrochemicals, aluminium and copper from Oman, while capping imports of such goods, the officials said.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)