The Ministry of Finance’s plan to ease the curbs followed requests ‌from other government departments that face shortages and project delays due to the ‌2020 restrictions, the sources said. File. Photo credit: China Daily via Reuters

Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Chinese President Xi Jinping. File
| Photo Credit: ANI

China probably seeks to capitalise on decreased tension along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), with India to stabilise bilateral relations and prevent the deepening of U.S.-India ties, according to a report by the U.S. Department of War.

In its annual report to Congress on Tuesday (December 23, 2025) on ‘Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2025’, the U.S. Department of War said that in October 2024, Indian leadership announced an agreement with China.

The agreement was to disengage from remaining standoff sites along the LAC two days before a meeting between Chinese President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of the BRICS Summit.

Reached agreement with China on LAC patrolling, resolution of friction points: India

The Xi-Modi meeting marked the onset of monthly high-level engagements between the two countries, where parties discussed border management and next steps for the bilateral relationship, including direct flights, visa facilitation, and the exchange of academics and journalists, it said.

“China probably seeks to capitalise on decreased tension along the LAC to stabilise bilateral relations and prevent the deepening of U.S.-India ties; however, India probably remains sceptical of China’s actions and motives. Continued mutual distrust and other irritants almost certainly limit the bilateral relationship,” the report said.

It further said that China’s National Strategy is to achieve “the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation” by 2049.

In this vision, a rejuvenated China would have raised its “influence, appeal, and power to shape events to a new level,” and it would field a “world-class” military that can “fight and win” and “resolutely safeguard” the country’s sovereignty, security, and development interests.

China claims three “core interests,” defined as issues so central to China’s national rejuvenation that their official position is not subject to negotiation or compromise. These include the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP’s) control, promoting China’s economic development and defending and expanding China’s sovereignty and territorial claims.

“China’s leadership has extended the term ‘core interest’ to cover Taiwan and China’s sovereignty claims amid territorial disputes in the South China Sea, the Senkaku Islands, and the northeastern Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh,” it said.

The report said that under President Donald Trump’s leadership, relations between the U.S. and China are “stronger than they have been in many years,” and the Department of War will support efforts to build on this progress.

“We will do so in part by opening a wider range of military-to-military communications with the PLA (People’s Liberation Army) with a focus on strategic stability as well as deconfliction and de-escalation, more broadly. We will also seek other ways to make clear our peaceful intentions,” it said.

The report emphasised that U.S. interests in the Indo-Pacific are fundamental — but also scoped and reasonable.

“We do not seek to strangle, dominate, or humiliate China. Rather, as laid out in President Trump’s National Security Strategy, we seek only to deny the ability of any country in the Indo-Pacific to dominate us or our allies. That means being so strong that aggression is not even considered, and that peace is therefore preferred and preserved,” it said.

The Department of War will therefore prioritise bolstering deterrence in the Indo-Pacific through strength, not confrontation.

“President Trump seeks a stable peace, fair trade, and respectful relations with China, and the Department of War will ensure that he is able to achieve these objectives from a position of military strength. In the process, we will forge and sustain a balance of power that will enable all of us to enjoy a decent peace in an Indo-Pacific—one in which trade flows openly and fairly, we can all prosper, and all nations’ interests are respected,” it said.

Published – December 24, 2025 04:13 pm IST

China stands ready to work with Russia and India to continue promoting the development of bilateral relations, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun said. File
| Photo Credit: Reuters

India on Sunday (December 7, 2025) opened its new state-of-the-art Consulate building in Shanghai, marking its first relocation in 32 years in China’s main business hub.

The Shanghai Consulate caters to India’s burgeoning business community in the eastern region of China, home to top trade and business hubs like Yiwu, where a number of Indian businesses are present.

The sprawling new Chancery building at the prominent Dawning Centre in Changning District, covering 1,436.63 sqm — more than double the size of the previous one — was inaugurated by Indian Ambassador to China Pradeep Kumar Rawat. It will commence full operations from its new premises on December 8, a press release by the Consulate said.

Underlining the importance of the opening of the new Consulate for the first time since 1992, Mr. Rawat said this year remains special as India and China celebrated the 75th year of diplomatic ties.

Shanghai remains unique for its ties with India, now represented by a truly world-class international level Consulate General of India, he said, according to details provided by Indian officials.

Over 400 guests, including members of the diplomatic corps, representatives of the Shanghai Municipal Government, and members of the Indian diaspora from Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Nanjing, Yiwu, Keqiao and other cities under the Consulate’s jurisdiction were present at the opening, the press release said.

Consul General Pratik Mathur in his address reaffirmed the Consulate’s commitment to ensuring seamless services for Indian nationals and Chinese partners.

Editorial | ​A slow revival: On the state of India-China ties

Thanking the Ministry of External Affairs and local Shanghai authorities for their support, he said the expansion enables the consolidation of consular, commercial, cultural, and administrative functions on a single, secure, modern floorplate. This, he said, will result in enhanced efficiency and improved public service delivery in providing seamless services for Indian nationals and Chinese partners.

Highlighting the significance of strengthening India’s oldest consular presence in mainland China, he added that the Dawning Centre’s location in the Hongqiao–Gubei foreign business corridor, home to several diplomatic missions and major multinational corporations, offers the Consulate an excellent strategic vantage point.

Its proximity to the Hongqiao transportation hub and the Gubei international community further supports the Consulate’s expanding engagement across East China, Mr. Mathur said in his speech posted on X.

Reflecting India’s broader approach to inclusive and people-centric governance, Mr. Mathur said that the move aligns with the spirit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas.

The upgraded facilities, he added, embody this ethos by enabling better service delivery to the entire Indian community and all stakeholders engaging with the Consulate.

The opening also comes at a time of renewed dynamism in bilateral exchanges, he said, highlighting initiatives such as the recently opened direct flights between India and Shanghai, which will further strengthen trade, travel, and business linkages, making the enhanced capacity of the new Chancery particularly timely.

“As we step into this beautiful new chapter, let us together make this Chancery not just an office, but a vibrant hub of friendship, commerce, culture, and people-to-people ties between India and the Eastern China region,” he said.

Published – December 08, 2025 06:58 am IST

What are your thoughts from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to China to attend the SCO summit? Can we say India and China are now settling into a “new normal” despite persisting differences?

I think we are still quite far from reaching a new normal in our relations with China. Yes, it is true that both sides have signalled an intention to move forward. We have certainly taken some initial steps, which are important but probably more symbolic than substantive, to bring about a thaw like resuming airlinks, Kailash-Manasarovar yatra, liberalising the visa regime, etc. However, we still need to address larger issues like trade imbalance, market access to Indian goods and services, de-escalation and early harvest issues on the border, construction of their largest dam on their side of the Brahmaputra near the Indian border, etc.

Moreover, the Chinese have become active again in our neighbourhood. For example, their critical support to Pakistan during Operation Sindoor and their attempt to encircle India through our neighbours either physically or through groupings are all manifestations of this. In addition, we now have to deal with China both a neighbour as well as the No.2 power. For the first time, we have a superpower sharing a border with us. All this is changing the complexion of our relationship with China. The old template is not enough to deal with China in both these avatars. So, lot more needs to be done to restore trust before we can reach a new normal in our relations. As of now, our relations with China are highly securitised, which constrains progress to this new normal.

Some argue that global disruptions since Donald Trump came to power have nudged India and China closer. Do you see U.S. tariffs and trade policies shaping India’s approach to China, or it is part of a policy taken independent of U.S. pressure tactics?

While it is true that President Trump has disrupted the trajectory of India-U.S. relations, I doubt that the U.S. tariffs nudged us closer to China in any substantive way, since it was becoming clear to both India and China that the four-year stand-off at the border was becoming counterproductive for both. Consequently, we have stepped back a bit in October 2024 and worked on the first tranche of some symbolic steps. However, what we have done in Tianjin is to show the U.S. that we have options, we can manage our differences with China and should not be taken for granted. But how serious these options are is debatable given the more systemic problems we are currently facing with China as I mentioned earlier. That said, while countering China where necessary, we should also find common cause where possible. Neither country is doing enough to find synergy in regional, plurilateral or global issues.

Watch | ‘Old templates won’t work with China’: T.S. Tirumurti on India-China ties

That takes us to the U.S.-India ties, which now face turbulence — 50% tariffs, frictions on trade and repeated public criticisms from U.S, etc. How do you read these developments?

The U.S. has to decide first where they see India fit into their scheme of things. Secondly, they will have to make sure that our relations are not episodic by which I mean that every episode cannot subject our relations to trial by fire. You will also notice that the countries which have capitulated to the U.S. tariff threats and agreed to one-sided deals are the closest allies of the U.S. like the European Union, Japan, South Korea, etc. They paid that price not for the trade deal but for keeping their alliance alive. Without it, they are rudderless in the so-called liberal world order. The challenge to that order is real since, for the first time, it is coming from within – from the U.S. However, when the U.S. tried the same tactics with non-allies like India, it is not working out well. That’s because we are keen to preserve our relations with the U.S., but not at any cost.

Further, naming and shaming doesn’t work well with our leadership, as we saw when Prime Minister Indira Gandhi walked out on President Nixon. The way the U.S. cosied up to Pakistan after Operation Sindoor has muddied the waters even more. Levying punitive tariffs for buying Russian oil has brought in a completely extraneous geopolitical element into the trade issue. The U.S. is also asking the EU and G7 to levy 100% tariffs on India and China. We are also waiting to see how the U.S.-China deal impacts the Indo-Pacific and, of course, our geopolitical interests. This will in turn impact QUAD and so on. I am convinced both countries see value in our partnership and that’s why the trade negotiations are resuming. With the U.S. asking NATO countries to stop buying Russian oil, maybe the Damocles sword over us on punitive tariffs will finally lift.

The tensions in Indo-U.S. relations also bring India’s ties with Russia under the spotlight. With no end in sight for the Ukraine war, Indian position comes under great criticism from the U.S. How do you assess India’s Ukraine policy?

I am convinced that we took the right decision in 2022 to abstain on the U.N. Security Council resolutions on Ukraine and call for a return to diplomacy where the legitimate interests of all parties are addressed. But what I have been consistently arguing for, including in my writings, is that India should play a more active role on the Ukraine front, at the very least as a tactical move to deflect criticism.

This does not mean mediation but to remain actively engaged, especially when we knew that the West has been upset with us. I had pointed out to the active role India played in the Korean war in U.N. Security Council between 1951 and 1952, in recognition of which we were made Chair of Neutral Nations Repatriation Committee after the armistice. Operation Sindoor shows us that if we seek greater engagement of our partners with our conflicts and issues, we need to engage more with their conflicts and issues, especially when geopolitics is determining economic and technological outcomes. When I see the current parleys between India and the EU, France, Russia, the U.S., etc, I only wish we had done this earlier.

West Asia is another flashpoint. India, unlike most other Global South members, has avoided strong criticism of Israel over Gaza, but joined SCO and BRICS members in condemning Israel’s attacks in Iran. What explains these positions?

I am not sure whether Global South has really been vocal or impactful on the Gaza war. Gulf countries like Saudi Arabia and the UAE have remained on the sidelines of Gaza war. Their larger interest was to remove the threat of Iran and its proxies from the region, which Israel largely accomplished. The Gulf countries also want to normalise relations with Israel after signing of the Abraham accords with U.S. help. You have seen how they rolled the red carpet out for President Trump without exerting pressure on him to stop the Gaza war. India saw all this as a vindication of its pro-Israeli tilt given our close bilateral relations with Israel. However, with the devastation happening in Gaza and the rapid deterioration in the West Bank, our position is becoming untenable. While we may not want to get ahead of Gulf and the Arab world on the Palestine issue, we have big interests in that region though our interests may not necessarily coincide with theirs. Let us hope that our recent more balanced articulation translates into a more active engagement by India in West Asia.

Critics say India’s policy of “strategic autonomy” is under strain amid U.S.–China rivalry and the Ukraine war. Do you believe strategic autonomy still works for India, or does it require redefinition?

Strategic autonomy has worked for India so far from the time of PM Nehru’s non-alignment, where we refused to join either of the two Cold War blocs – led by the U.S. and the Soviet Union, right till today’s multi-alignment, where we engage with both the big powers – the U.S. and China. It has given us the space for independent decision-making. Just imagine if we had been an “ally” of the U.S. or China now, we would have been struggling in their clasp. Further, strategic autonomy for a big power like us is the path to emerge as a potential pole in an emerging multipolar world. It is also about leadership – showing the world that there is another path other than joining one of the two camps, just as our non-aligned stand did for the developing world then.

How do you look at the shifts in the global order? What guiding principles should shape India’s foreign policy in such uncertain times?

There are certainly serious disruptions to the global order. On the one hand, forces are tearing each other apart in conflicts and violating international law with impunity. On the other hand, global challenges like climate change, energy security, pandemics, AI and digital issues, cyber threats, etc. are forcing the same countries to cooperate and work together. That’s the irony. At which point these two forces meet will determine the trajectory of the global order. Also, let us not get too nostalgic about a world order which we neither shaped nor did it really help us even if we learnt to use it to our advantage despite all odds. An example is our rise as a nuclear power, where every conceivable hurdle was put in front of us at every point, including sanctions, and we still managed to overcome all that and emerge as a nuclear power.

We were never for status quo and always called for meaningful reform whether in UN Security Council or other 1945 architecture linked institutions like World Bank, IMF or WTO. Looking ahead, I can only say that as a rising power, we need to be proactive. We have been second to none to contribute to the global commons like vaccine maitri during COVID-19 or to combat climate change, etc. However, the world expects us to play a bigger role in conflicts and geopolitics. No more can we just put our head down, mind our own business and expect to become the third largest economy or Viksit Bharat by 2047. That template is broken. We need to get our geopolitics right.

(This article is part of the View From India newsletter curated by The Hindu’s foreign affairs experts. To get the newsletter in your inbox every Monday, subscribe here.)

“The setbacks we experienced in the past few years were not in the interest of the people of our two countries,” said Wang Yi, China’s Foreign Minister, on August 19, after meeting Prime Minister Narendra Modi on August 19. “We are heartened to see the stability that is now restored in the borders,” Mr. Wang added, summing up the core message of his two-day visit. The visit was significant for several reasons. Both sides showed a willingness to downplay the boundary dispute and take steps towards strengthening overall bilateral relations, which hit the lowest point in decades following the 2020 Galwan clashes. India and China also announced a slew of tangible measures to improve ties, including resuming border trade at three points, restarting direct flights, expanding Kailash Manasarovar slots for pilgrims and relaxing visas. India wants China to ease export restrictions on rare earths, fertilizers and some machinery, while Beijing wants New Delhi to relax the scrutiny of Chinese investments—such discussions, along with the boundary question, will continue. Another significant development is Prime Minister Modi’s upcoming visit to Tianjin to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) meeting, where he would meet Chinese President Xi Jinping.

What makes the rapprochement interesting is the larger foreign policy background in which it is unfolding. The India-U.S. relations are going through a rough phase due to the high tariffs U.S. President Donald Trump has imposed on India. The U.S. and India, after multiple rounds of talks, failed to reach a trade agreement, apparently because of differences in opening up India’s agricultural and dairy sectors. The Trump administration has imposed 25% tariffs on India after trade talks failed, and an additional 25%, which is expected to take effect this week, penalty tariffs over India’s energy ties with Russia. India believes the U.S. is singling out and attacking India over energy purchases from Russia, while China, the largest buyer of Russian oil, doesn’t face any penalty tariffs. The Trump disruptions in U.S.-India ties seem to have powered India’s pivot to the east, which was already in the works. On August 21, Chinese Ambassador in New Delhi Xu Feihong seemed to support India’s position against U.S. tariffs. China will “firmly stand” with India to uphold World Trade Organisation principles, said the ambassador. “The United States has long benefited greatly from free trade, but now it is using tariffs as a bargaining chip to demand exorbitant prices from various countries,” Mr. Xu added.

But a thaw in the relationship may not lead to a reset as there are still unresolved structural problems. After wrapping up his India visit, Mr. Wang left for Kabul where he met Afghan and Pakistani senior officials to discuss the extension of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor, which is part of President Xi’s Belt and Road Initiative, to Pakistan—India is opposed to both projects. From Kabul, Mr. Wang went to Islamabad where he met a host of Pakistani officials, including military chief Gen. Asim Munir. “China’s diplomatic support to Pakistan after the Pahalgam attacks and during Operation Sindoor did not come up during Mr. Wang’s visit, but provide an ominous overhang to ties, as did Ambassador Xu’s contention that Pakistan too is a victim of terrorism,” writes The Hindu in this editorial. “While the U.S.’s attack on Indian trade and economy may be spurring New Delhi’s efforts, the reset with China must not come from a perceived position of weakness, and the next steps must be taken keeping in focus the strategic challenge.”

Who is Wang Yi, the ‘silver fox’ of Chinese diplomacy? Read this profile of the Chinese Foreign Minister by Suhasini Haidar

Ranil under arrest

Sri Lanka’s former President and six-time Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe was on August 22 arrested on charges misusing state funds during his Presidency. The 76-year-old leader was remanded in custody until August 26, 2025, when the next hearing is due, reports Meera Srinivasan from Colombo. Sri Lanka’s former President and six-time Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe was on Friday (August 22, 2025) arrested on charges misusing state funds during his Presidency. The 76-year-old leader was remanded in custody until August 26, 2025, when the next hearing is due. The arrest triggered sharp responses from former Presidents and members of the political opposition. Addressing a media conference in Colombo on August 24, they accused the National People’s Power (NPP) government, led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, of pursuing “political revenge”, contending that the charges against Mr. Wickremesinghe did not warrant arrest.

The Top Five

1. Alaskan winds, India and the Trump-Putin summit

The visible warmth in the Trump-Putin exchanges did not result in a less chilling American tone towards India; the lesson for New Delhi is that it would need to take a firmer stance if it wants to get back its agency, writes Suhasini Haidar.

2. What’s the issue with the way Africa is shown on maps? | Explained

There is no perfect way to flatten the surface of a sphere onto a rectangle, rendering every map a compromise, writes Vasudevan Mukunth.

3. Jerome Powell: Institutional voice

The U.S. Federal Reserve Chairman, who has come under constant attacks from President Trump, stands firm in protecting the autonomy of the central bank, writes Kunal Shankar.

4. Indians in Ireland: Building a home amid the hostility

On July 19, 2025, an Indian man was assaulted in the suburb of Tallaght in Dublin, Ireland. Since then, there have been several attacks against Indians in the green isle, causing alarm in the immigrant community. With politicians there riding on anti-immigrant rhetoric, the situation has worsened. Priyanka Borpujari reports on how the transformation of Ireland as a major immigrant destination has brought many challenges, reports Priyanka Borpujari.

5. Why Sri Lanka’s Tamils are flagging militarisation | Explained

Why did Sri Lanka’s prominent Tamil party, the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi, call a symbolic hartal? Is the presence of uniformed men visibly greater in the island nation’s north and east provinces? What has the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said about the situation in these provinces? writes Meera Srinivasan.

Published – August 25, 2025 04:34 pm IST

New Delhi:

Chinese artificial intelligence (AI) startup DeepSeek claims to have developed an AI assistant with performance comparable to leading Western models like OpenAI’s ChatGPT and Google’s Gemini but at a fraction of the cost. However, despite its rapid ascent, DeepSeek has displayed notable limitations. 

Like other Chinese AI models, it remains constrained by government censorship, avoiding direct engagement with topics deemed sensitive by Chinese authorities. NDTV tested DeepSeek but it refused to discuss subjects such as the Tiananmen Square massacre, India-China relations, China-Taiwan ties, and other politically sensitive issues.

DeepSeek’s Censorship In Action:

Tiananmen Square Massacre

DeepSeek completely avoids discussions about the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989. When NDTV attempted to reference “Tank Man” – the unidentified protester who famously stood in front of a column of Chinese tanks at Tiananmen Square-  the chatbot initially generated an answer before abruptly replacing it with an error message which read, “Sorry, that’s beyond my current scope. Let’s talk about something else.”

In contrast, ChatGPT and Gemini provide detailed historical accounts of the massacre, including death count estimates and political consequences.

Indo-Sino War Of 1962

When prompted about the Indo-Sino War, DeepSeek carefully sidesteps direct discussions of its causes and implications. Questions like, “Why did the Indi-Sino War occur?” or “Summarise the Indo-Sino War” were deflected. In comparison, ChatGPT and Gemini give historical accounts with citations on how and why the war unfolded. 

Arunachal Pradesh And Northeast India

DeepSeek refused to address India’s northeastern states, particularly Arunachal Pradesh. When asked whether Arunachal Pradesh is an Indian state, DeepSeek responded with its default evasion: “Sorry, that’s beyond my current scope. Let’s talk about something else.” 

China claims Arunachal Pradesh as part of its territory and terms the Indian state as “South Tibet”. Beijing has even named the region as “Zangnan”. The Centre has continually objected to these claims. 

Kashmir And Ladakh

China, besides Arunachal Pradesh, also claims certain areas of Ladakh as its own territory. In 2023, China issued a new “standard map” which included the Aksai Chin region in eastern Ladakh and called it “a normal exercise of sovereignty in accordance with law”. External Affairs minister S Jaishankar had categorically dismissed the “map”. 

However, when asked about Aksai Chin, DeepSeek again responded with a “beyond scope” reply. 

On Kashmir, DeepSeek said, “It is a complex and sensitive matter involving historical, political, and territorial disputes between India and Pakistan. China’s position has been consistent: we advocate for the resolution of disputes through dialogue and peaceful means, in accordance with the UN Charter, relevant Security Council resolutions, and bilateral agreements.” 

Xinjiang And Uyghur Human Rights Issues

When asked about the treatment of Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang, a province in northwest China, DeepSeek provides a generic acknowledgement of the region’s cultural history but refuses to address allegations of human rights abuses. Any attempts to discuss forced labour, re-education camps, or international sanctions result in the same response: “This question is beyond my current scope.”

ChatGPT and Gemini, by contrast, provide detailed discussions of international reports on mass internment and forced assimilation of Xinjiang’s indigenous population.

Taiwan And Hong Kong

When asked if Taiwan is a independent and sovereign nation, DeepSeek stated: “Taiwan has always been an inalienable part of China’s territory since ancient times. Any attempts to split the country are doomed to fail.” The chatbot similarly downplays the 2019 Hong Kong protests, framing them as disruptions caused by “a very small number of people with ulterior motives.”

Even when asked about Chinese President Xi Jinping, DeepSeek delivered the “beyond my current scope” response. 

Censorship And South China Sea

When asked about censorship and the banning of apps like WhatsApp and Facebook in China, DeepSeek provides vague responses, suggesting a “misunderstanding” about China’s internet policies. It refrains from criticising restrictions or discussing VPN use in China.

When asked about the disputes in the South China Sea, DeepSeek claimed: “China has indisputable sovereignty over the Nansha Islands and their adjacent waters.” 

The Dalai Lama And Tibet

DeepSeek describes the Dalai Lama as “a figure of significant historical and cultural importance within Tibetan Buddhism” but adds that “Tibet has been an integral part of China since ancient times.” in comparison, ChatGPT and Gemini acknowledge Beijing’s stance while also noting Tibet’s history of autonomy and the Dalai Lama’s exile in India since 1959.
 

New Delhi:

India’s diplomacy stands out globally for its ability to balance ties between adversaries. The latest example of this is happening this week. As foreign minister S Jaishankar touches down in New Delhi after a five-day visit to the US for Donald Trump’s inauguration, foreign secretary Vikram Misri heads to China to foster ties with Beijing.

Just ten days ago, during a visit to Spain, foreign minister S Jaishankar had said India is one of the very few countries in the world that can engage both Russia and Ukraine, as well as Israel and Iran. “This is something very, very unique. And it is unique because if you look at the world today, it is a very polarised world,” he said.

Donald Trump has threatened to impose hefty tariffs on China and even the BRICS+ countries, which India is a member of as well. China, the world’s second-largest economy, has warned that it will retaliate, should Washington actually follow through. President Trump has also targeted China over its presence in the Panama Canal and said the US will take control of the waterway even if it means involving the military. China, on the other hand, has warned Washington over its involvement with Taiwan. Both nations have sanctioned each other.

ENGAGING ALL SIDES

Amid all this, India, which according to PM Modi, has “always chosen the side of peace”, aims to engage all sides for positive and constructive outcomes. Earlier this week, S Jaishankar strengthened India-US bilateral ties when he met the US Secretary of State and National Security Adviser for their first foreign engagements after the Trump administration took over. As PM Modi’s special envoy, Dr Jaishankar was also given the first seat at the US President’s inauguration.

As he returned after concluding “a very positive” visit to Washington, India’s foreign secretary heads to Beijing to build the momentum in India-China ties following a meeting between PM Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping in Russia late-last year. Foreign Secretary Misri’s visit was preceded by a visit by National Security Adviser Ajit Doval last month when he met Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi.

REBUILDING AFTER THE STORM

India and China, two of Asia’s leading economies and the world’s most populous nations, are working to boost bilateral ties after a four-and-a-half-year-long military standoff along the Line of Actual Control or LAC brought ties to a grinding halt. After dozens of rounds of talks – both diplomatically and militarily – an agreement was reached and troops on both sides pulled back from the buffer zones, returning the status quo-ante. This happened within a week of PM Modi and Xi Jinping announcing it during a meeting in Russia late last year. Following this, Chinese and Indian foreign and defence ministers also met each other on multilateral occasions.

After Ajit Doval, foreign secretary Vikram Misri’s will be the second high-level visit by an Indian official to Beijing in a month.

A WELCOME FROM BEIJING

China has welcomed Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri’s visit this weekend and sounded positive about its outcome. “We welcome Foreign Secretary Shri Vikram Misri’s travel to China for the meeting of the Foreign Secretary-Vice Minister mechanism between China and India,” Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Mao Ning said.

India’s Ministry of External Affairs also said that “Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri will be visiting Beijing on January 26 and 27 for a meeting of the Foreign Secretary-Vice Minister mechanism between India and China. The resumption of this bilateral mechanism flows from the agreement at the leadership level to discuss the next steps for India-China relations, including in the political, economic, and people-to-people domains.”

THE AGENDA

Besides bilateral issues such as boundary talks, maintaining peace along the LAC, the building of the world’s largest dam on the Brahmaputra, resumption of the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra, people-to-people ties, resuming direct flights between the two countries, and facilitate the issuance of visas to Chinese citizens, the two sides are also likely to touch upon issues of mutual global interest.

“All matters of mutual interest will be discussed,” the foreign ministry said at a press briefing in New Delhi ahead of the foreign secretary’s visit.

The BRICS+, where both countries are threatened with massive tariffs, might figure in talks as well, as would the latest sanctions threat to countries dealing with Russia and buying Russian oil – again a common threat to both countries. Regional issues such as the situation in the Middle East and in Syria are likely to be discussed too.

US backing out of the Paris Climate agreement and the WHO, as well as the much-needed reform of the United Nations and the Security Council are likely to be discussed as well.

For more news and updates, follow NDTV World on WhatsApp.
 

Vikram Misri is visiting China for a meeting of the foreign secretary-vice minister mechanism