Thursday (October 9) marked a month since Nepal, especially the capital Kathmandu, witnessed anarchy. On September 9, a day after the youth-led protests, then Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli resigned and fled to an army barracks following the deaths of 19 young people. The Nepali capital saw events of an unprecedented degree — the Parliament, government complex, and the Supreme Court burned till late into the night.

Since September 12, an interim Cabinet led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has been in place, with the mandate of holding elections on March 5. The official death toll of the two-day protests stands at 75.

The month since the protests has been uneasy, punctuated by festival holidays and rain-induced disasters. A proposed protest plan by a youth group for October 9 stirred fresh anxiety, though it was ultimately withdrawn a day before after some groups dissociated themselves. One youth group also demanded the resignation of the chief and members of the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority — Nepal’s top constitutional anti-graft agency.

These youth groups, broadly dubbed under the umbrella of Gen Z, led last month’s demonstrations, which were triggered by a social media ban and driven by anger at corruption and misrule. Now, they appear scattered and fragmented, which analysts say was inevitable given their structureless and leaderless nature.

However, campaigners argue that lacking formal leadership is not a flaw. 

Raskshya Bam, who organised and participated in the protests, said the youth took to the streets with specific demands — ending corruption and rolling back the social media ban.

“But as the situation unfolded, we are where we are today,” Ms. Bam, 26, said. “Everyone must realise the spirit of the protests… reform in a nutshell. Now the interim government is there with the mandate to hold elections, and that should be the goal.”

She expressed no qualms about different groups raising various demands, calling it natural for youth to have differing voices.

Government in a bind

As anarchy descended on Kathmandu on September 9 — with overwhelmed security agencies unable to maintain law and order — the Nepal Army stepped in not only to secure the capital but also to facilitate dialogue with President Ram Chandra Poudel.

It was at Army Headquarters that youth campaigners finalised Ms. Karki’s name after she won a vote on the digital platform Discord, a virtual public square for Gen Z, where they planned their protests.

Analysts describe this interim administration as hastily stitched together, backed by Gen Z but lacking solid political ground. Within hours of her oath, Prime Minister Karki dissolved the House of Representatives.

“A lack of political nature is the biggest challenge of this government,” said Keshav Dahal, a writer and political commentator. “The government and political parties appear to hold each other in deep contempt, which is likely to spoil the environment for elections.”

Nepal’s traditional parties, consigned to the back foot after the protests, are now resurfacing.

Deposed Prime Minister Oli addressed his party members on Thursday, dismissing the current government.

“Many say we have to wait till March 5 and should demand the restoration of the House if elections do not take place,” he told them, hinting at moving the Supreme Court for reinstatement of the House. “The House dissolution is unconstitutional, illegal, and undemocratic.”

His remarks come amid political parties’ refusal to commit to the March 5 elections. Concerns mount over whether the elections will take place as scheduled — and if they do, whether they will carry legitimacy if major parties boycott.

Gen Z campaigners say it’s incumbent on everyone to work towards protecting democracy.

“The interim government needs support from all sides — citizens, civil society, intellectuals, and political parties — to conduct timely elections,” said Ms. Bam. “After all, our protests did not mean — and we do not wish — to prohibit parties. They are key constituents in a multi-party democratic set-up.”

Political tensions

As the country eyes elections, accusations and counter-accusations are flying. Last week, social media buzzed with calls to arrest Mr. Oli and Ramesh Lekhak, who was Home Minister when 19 protesters were killed.

After an initial refusal, police agreed to accept complaints filed by those injured during the protests against Mr. Oli and Mr. Lekhak, with the caveat that the case would be forwarded to a judicial commission investigating the September 8-9 incidents. But the commission, led by a former judge, on Thursday sent the case back to police, saying investigation authority lies with the state apparatus.

Meanwhile, a student wing affiliated with Mr. Oli’s Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) seeks to file a treason complaint against Balendra Shah, Kathmandu Mayor, and Sudan Gurung, a self-styled Gen Z leader.

Mr. Shah, who won Kathmandu mayoral elections independently, is held in contempt by political parties. He expressed support for Gen Z protests and endorsed Ms. Karki’s appointment as PM. Mr. Gurung leads Hami Nepal, an NGO. Though a millennial, Mr. Gurung has emerged as a self-styled Gen Z leader — a fact raising eyebrows among both critics and campaigners.

Economic costs

For a country already struggling economically, last month’s protests dealt a heavy blow. The World Bank revised Nepal’s growth forecast to 2.1% for fiscal year 2025–26, down from the earlier 5.4%.

In its South Asia Development Update, the multilateral agency said the September 8–9 unrest deepened political and economic uncertainty in Nepal. It warned that international tourist arrivals are likely to see a sharp drop, and weakened investor confidence could slow private investment.

The Hotel Association of Nepal estimates losses to the hotel industry at NRs. 25 billion (USD 176 million).

Path fraught with challenges

Analysts say the government faces a narrow window and a full plate.

Yug Pathak, writer and analyst, says the government can prove its legitimacy only by holding elections on time; otherwise, the risk of plunging Nepal into deep uncertainty and instability persists.

“Last month’s protests were sudden outbursts of youth anger, resonating with ordinary citizens, but it’s clear the movement lost its way quickly,” said Mr. Pathak. “It’s difficult to pinpoint who was involved or how peaceful protests went awry, but the events have left Nepal at a critical juncture.”

The Himalayan nation’s democratic trajectory has been shaped by various movements, but this recent one was unique, launched by a totally apolitical group of youths loosely and virtually tied together against the political class.

Ms. Bam, one of the movement’s architects, says the September 9 incident should not be viewed in isolation, as it came in response to brutal state force the previous day.

“This is the time to unite to put the country back on the democratic track, not to fight each other,” she said. “Political forces must come on board. Resentment breeds resentment. This is not what we want.”

Delayed dialogue

The Election Commission (EC) has called on any group intending to contest the March 5 elections to register as a political party by November 16. Earlier this week, Ms. Karki asked the EC to launch talks with political parties.

Analysts say the government, not the EC — a constitutional body tasked with overseeing election technicalities — needs to lead dialogue with political parties.

Government sources say modalities are being worked out for dialogue. “Talks will begin soon to bring parties into confidence,” said a government source, declining to elaborate or give a timeline.

But time is of the essence, and analysts say the government has yet to grasp the urgency.

“Nor has it foreseen the consequences of failing to hold elections on time. Political parties, for their part, are in denial,” said Mr. Dahal. “They have yet to accept that the youth protests were not against them, but against their misrule.”

With less than 150 days to go for polls, youth campaigners agree that the government must rise to the occasion. 

“Parties must reform, the system must function, and institutions must be strengthened to lay the ground for democracy to thrive,” said Ms. Bam. “Elections are the only way forward.”

(Sanjeev Satgainya is a journalist based in Kathmandu)

On the afternoon of September 8, Riddhima Sanba, 23, and her friends scurried to a cafe, some 200 metres from the Parliament building in Kathmandu, when clashes erupted between young protesters and security forces in Nepal. Tear gas filled the cafe, and the police fired gunshots.

“We could hear shouting and screaming and clamour outside,” Sanba recalled, about the first day of Nepal’s youth-led protests against corruption, the lavish lifestyles of political elites, and misgovernance. The Himalayan country abolished the centuries-old monarchy and became a constitutional republic in 2008. Its current Constitution came into effect in 2015.

Sanba had been part of the protests since that morning, following weeks-long discussions online among Nepali youths, largely clustered under the umbrella of Gen Z, those born roughly between 1997 and 2012. “The call was for peaceful protests, but things spiralled out of control quickly,” she said.

The youth, in their school and college uniforms, gathered at Maitighar Mandala in the heart of Kathmandu. Maitighar is synonymous with protests. It is just metres away from the Supreme Court, the pinnacle of justice.

Slowly, the crowd swelled into thousands. The protesters gradually started to march towards the Parliament building, about a kilometre away, said Sanba.

“We were minding our friends and supplying water,” recalled the BBA final-year marketing student who works as a marketing head and content creator for a private company. “We had no plans to clash with the police. But as security forces charged, demonstrations flared up.”

By the evening of September 8, official figures were out — at least 19 young lives had been lost, allegedly due to excessive force used by security forces on the demonstrators.

The next day, defying the government’s curfew, demonstrators not only filled the streets, but also turned violent — attacking politicians and their homes, government infrastructure, and business properties.

“They were not only Gen Z; there were a lot of other people. The second day was chaotic. None of us could comprehend what exactly was going on,” Sanba said.

But the events of September 8 and 9 did not erupt out of the blue. Online, a storm had already been brewing in Nepal.

From a spark to a storm

On September 4, the government, led by K.P. Sharma Oli, a leader of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), imposed a sweeping ban on 26 social media sites, including X, Facebook, and Instagram, citing their failure to meet the deadline to comply with registration requirements.

The youth, who had used social media to band together, took this not just as an affront, but also as a brutal attack on their civic space. “The digital space we were using just went dark suddenly,” said Sanba. “It was like being robbed of our agency, our right to speak and express ourselves.”

There was already a lot of anger against corruption and nepotism. Videos and clips about “nepo kids” and “nepo babies” were already circulating in the digital sphere. They showed politicians’ children flaunting lavish lifestyles — travelling in luxury cars, going on foreign vacations, and throwing extravagant parties.

Anmol Ghimire, 19, who participated in the discussions online in the lead-up to the protests, said Gen Z were definitely not protesting only the social media ban. “But the government’s sudden prohibition on social media sites did light a fuse,” said the student of cybersecurity and digital forensics at the British College in Kathmandu. “All we wanted was to call for an end to corruption, and a leadership that could fix the economy, unemployment, and a system that ensured a good future for us young people.”

Transparency International, which aims “to end the injustice of corruption”, published a report earlier this year, ranking Nepal 107th among 180 countries, with a score of 34, on the Corruption Perceptions Index. According to the World Bank, one in five Nepalis aged 15-24 is unemployed. With a high unemployment rate at home, and GDP per capita just a little over $1,400, millions of Nepalis look for jobs abroad. The people believe that this demonstrates the failure of Nepal’s ruling class.

Deaths and devastation

Multiple Gen Z protesters said they were taken aback by the degree of devastation on September 9, as the demonstrations descended into chaos. Several protesters burned down the Parliament and set the Supreme Court on fire. They set ablaze Singha Durbar, the main government complex, which was once a palace dating back over 100 years. They also attacked hotels and business enterprises. For several days after, the smell of charred papers and smoke filled the air. Blackened buildings and piles of soot were a common sight, and burnt vehicles could be seen across parking areas.

Two senior officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said that security forces were in no position to contain the crowds, as protesters stormed the buildings from all sides.

On September 8, the Home Minister, Ramesh Lekhak, stepped down. On the following day, Oli resigned as Prime Minister, leaving a political vacuum. With no administration in effect, anarchy ensued. The demonstrators beat up Sher Bahadur Deuba, a five-time Prime Minister, and his wife, Arzu Deuba, a Minister in the Oli Cabinet. They set on fire former Prime Minister Jhala Nath Khanal’s home. His wife, Rajyalaxmi Chitrakar, suffered severe burn injuries.

Watch | Nepal protests force government out | Should India worry?

The official casualty figure stood at 73, with the majority being protesters. The rest included police officials and others who died from burns sustained when buildings were set on fire during the protests, according to information compiled by the government and police.

The tense situation forced the Nepal Army to step in to take charge of security. The Army airlifted Oli and other senior leaders to one of its barracks on the northern rim of Kathmandu for their safety.

Two major hospitals — the National Trauma Centre and the Civil Service Hospital — were filled with the injured, who had bullets lodged in their head, neck, arms, and legs. Doctors and nurses said they worked extra hours.

“We did not expect youngsters to be brought here with bullets even in their chests,” said a doctor at the Civil Service Hospital, a stone’s throw from the Parliament building. “Tear gas shells were fired even within the hospital premises.”

Watch | On the ground in Nepal: Empty streets under tight army watch

More than 100 people are still receiving treatment. The dead were cremated on September 16 with state honours. On September 17, the government declared a public holiday in their memory, with flags flying at half-mast. It declared all those killed ‘martyrs’.

Most of the demonstrators who lost their lives were between the ages of 19 and 24, according to hospitals. Some were in Kathmandu to study and work, while others were preparing for foreign employment or higher education abroad, family members outside the hospitals said.

Discontent turns to dissent

Analysts said a public eruption on the streets was long overdue. “It was not a matter of if, but when,” said Krishna Khanal, a professor of political science at Tribhuvan University in Kathmandu. “It was for everyone to see that the political class was failing on all fronts. Their promises of reform were turning hollow by the years.”

Since the new Constitution came into effect in 2015, Nepal has seen multiple government changes with the same three faces at the helm on a rotational basis: Oli, Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda”. Their role in past democratic struggles is publicly acknowledged, but the perception had been growing that they were no longer fit to run the country. Khanal said frustration at Nepal’s political parties had been growing, and “what we are calling Gen Z decided to take matters into their own hands.”

Oli began centralising power by consolidating several powerful departments under the Prime Minister’s Office. His government issued a policy, making it difficult for NGOs in Nepal to register and operate.

Watch | The rise and fall of K.P. Sharma Oli: Nepal’s embattled leader

Ajaya Bhadra Khanal, research director at the Centre for Social Innovation and Foreign Policy, said Oli’s authoritarian tendencies became evident from his first stint in 2018. “He tried to control the legislative process, policy making, and governance,” he said. “The way he bulldozed the party statute amendment to secure a third term as party chair also showed he was inclined to rule with an iron fist.” Last July, Oli inked a midnight power-sharing deal with Deuba to form a new ‘national consensus government’ to replace the coalition government led by “Prachanda.”

Further, media exposés on land grabs, corruption, gold smuggling, and the Bhutanese refugee scam, among others, were not pursued.

Semblance of calm

As the Army stepped in, President Ram Chandra Poudel called for restraint and invited the protesting groups for talks. Army Chief General Ashok Sigdel was tasked with negotiating with Gen Z protesters. But who could he talk to?

The protests had started spontaneously after discussions among various groups and subgroups, especially on the digital platform Discord. “We are not a political party, we are not an organised group. Yes, we did lack structural leadership,” said Yujan Rajbhandari, 23, one of the youth representatives who met Gen. Sigdel.

Negotiations began late on September 9 and continued, as the representatives demanded a leader with wider acceptance, who they believed was honest to head the government.

“After hours of discussions among ourselves, a majority agreed on Sushila Karki’s name,” said Rajbhandari, a civil engineering student. “Her support for our protest, her integrity, and her anti-corruption stance made us think she was the right candidate.”

Ms. Karki, a former Chief Justice, who often speaks out against corruption from various public forums, was the first public figure to visit hospitals and meet the injured. She passionately supported Gen Z’s protest. She was at Kathmandu’s Civil Hospital, near the Parliament building on September 9, and said, “The way the state has responded to this youth protest is unacceptable. The protesters’ demand is justified.”

After marathon meetings, on the night of September 12, President Poudel appointed Karki, 73, as head of the interim government. Hours later, he dissolved Parliament and called for elections on March 5.

While calm has returned to Kathmandu and elsewhere, uncertainty still hangs in the air.

The road ahead

In her first public statement after assuming office on September 14, Ms. Karki said she would follow through on the protesters’ demands to end corruption. “I had no desire to come here. My name was brought from the streets,” she said. “We will not stay beyond six months under any circumstance. We will fulfil our responsibilities and hand over power to the next Parliament and elected ministers.”

Ms. Karki’s Cabinet includes Rameshore Khanal, an economist who has long advocated economic reforms; Kulman Ghising, an electrical engineer credited with ending power cuts; and Om Prakash Aryal, a lawyer known for his anti-corruption and social justice work.

Rajbhandari, the Gen Z representative, said the Cabinet may not be an ideal one, but it is fit to steer the country towards elections and restore democratic order. “We were definitely not for a system change or the overturning of the Constitution. Our groups that led the protests were not demanding the return of the monarchy,” he said. “We are for a democratic government that works for the welfare of the people and the country. We need corruption rooted out; we want clean people to lead the country, who can inspire hope.”

Professor Khanal said this government’s main challenge is to hold elections on time by winning the confidence of the major stakeholders — the youth representatives as well as the political parties. “This interim government has the uphill task of bringing political players to the elections while not undermining the spirit of Gen Z,” he said.

For Sanba, the marketing student, and many like her, hope now rests on the promise that their voices will lead to change, and that the sacrifice of so many young lives will not be in vain. They are hopeful about the current government.

They also insist that the violence against young protesters be investigated and that those behind the arson, attacks on government buildings, and other criminal acts be held accountable.

Sanba maintains that Gen Z was not involved in the violence. “We strongly believe that our protest was infiltrated, and our movement was taken advantage of,” she said. “Almost like using our shoulders to aim and fire.”

Sanjeev Satgainya is former editor of The Kathmandu Post. Email: sanjeevsatgainya@gmail.com

Nepal’s former Chief Justice Sushila Karki is the leading choice to be interim leader, a representative of the “Gen Z” protesters said
| Photo Credit: Reuters

The Nepal Army on Tuesday took control of the Tribhuvan International Airport here after the agitators tried to enter its premises in the evening.

Flight services at the airport were partially suspended in view of the protests.

Air India, which operates six flights a day between New Delhi and Kathmandu, on Tuesday cancelled four flights. IndiGo and Nepal Airlines also cancelled their flights from Delhi to Kathmandu.

The army also took control of Singhdurbar, the government’s main secretariat building, after the protesters burnt houses inside the complex. The army entered the complex and took control after evacuating the protesters.

The army also intervened after a group of agitators tried to vandalise the gate of the holy Pashupatinath Temple.

-PTI