Sharif Osman Hadi, a prominent Bangladeshi youth leader died on December 18, 2025, six days after he was shot in the head in Dhaka. File

Photo: Facebook/@univdhaka.ac.bd

Dhaka University, the largest educational institute of Bangladesh, has lifted the ban on admitting Pakistani students. Pro-Vice Chancellor of the university Prof. Sayma Haque Bidisha informed that the decision was taken on November 13 during a syndicate meeting which was chaired by Vice-Chancellor Prof. Niaz Ahmad Khan. The decision acquires significance in the backdrop of broadening dialogue between the Pakistani authorities and the interim government of Bangladesh.

As per the new revised policy, Pakistani students will be able to seek admission in Dhaka University and Bangladeshi students will also be able to pursue courses in Pakistan. “At one point, ties with Pakistan were cut, but Dhaka University is an academic institution. Many of our students need to visit Pakistan for scholarships or academic conferences. We resolved this issue through discussion to restore normal relations,” Prof. Bidisha was quoted as saying in Dhaka Tribune.

Dhaka University has played a unique role in the history of Bangladesh as the seedbed for many protest movements against the rulers of Bangladesh. Most recently, in July-August 2024, it was in Dhaka University’s campus that the protest against ex-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina started before spreading across the country. However, Dhaka University’s reputation as a political hotbed was cemented in 1971 when students and teachers in the university rose in protest against the ruling elite of Pakistan that had denied political rights to East Pakistan. Pakistan military’s Operation Searchlight launched on March 25, 1971 started by targeting students and professors in Dhaka University campus.

The role of Dhaka University as the birth place for anti-Pakistan movement was in focus during the Sheikh Hasina years when a popular demand grew for an apology from Pakistan for its role in the 1971 genocide in East Pakistan. As a result of this movement for accountability of Pakistan in the atrocities of 1971, a decision was taken in December 2015 to stop the flow of Pakistani students to Dhaka University. The November 13 decision has reversed that ban though Pakistan has not apologised or acknowledged that its armed forces participated in the genocide in East Pakistan in 1971.

The explanation of the university authorities is based on the fact that the decision is aimed to foster academic exchanges between the two sides, however, the facts on the ground show that there have been several exchanges between the Government of Pakistan and the Mohammad Yunus-led interim government of Bangladesh. Syed Ahmad Maroof, High Commissioner of Pakistan to Bangladesh, after the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5 has considerably increased his exchanges with the top officials of the interim government. Ms. Hasina had a frosty relation with Pakistan and often blamed her opponents, especially Jamaat-e-Islami of Bangladesh, as being supported by Pakistan. After her downfall, High Commissioner Maroof has been campaigning for establishing direct air connectivity between Pakistan and Bangladesh over the Indian landmass. On November 18, the Pak High Commissioner attended the Bay of Bengal Conversation 2024,  in Dhaka, and called for more trade between Bangladesh and Pakistan.

New Delhi:

Violence in Bangladesh has left over 130 dead as students demand reforms to a quota system governing the allocation of government jobs in the country. The protests intensified following Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s controversial remarks, where she labelled the protestors as “Razakars”. This term, historically loaded and carrying a negative connotation, harks back to the East Pakistani volunteer force that opposed the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign nation during its 1971 War of Independence.

The Spark

The protests, which began late last month, reached a boiling point earlier this week when student activists at Dhaka University, the largest university in the country, engaged in violent clashes with police and counter-protesters aligned with the ruling Awami League.

The controversial quota system reserves up to 30 per cent of government jobs for family members of veterans who fought in Bangladesh’s 1971 war of independence against Pakistan. Protesters argue that this system is discriminatory and disproportionately benefits supporters of Prime Minister Hasina’s Awami League party. They advocate for a merit-based system to replace the existing quota. Prime Minister Hasina’s fiery remarks at a public gathering ignited further protests.

“If not the grandchildren of the freedom fighters, then who will get quota benefits? The grandchildren of the ‘Razakars’?” the Bangladeshi PM asked. “This is my question. I want to ask the people of the nation. If the protesters don’t comply, I can do nothing. They can continue their protest. If protesters damage properties or attack cops, the law will take its course. We can’t help.”

PM Hasina’s intent was to highlight the importance of preserving benefits for the descendants of those who fought for Bangladesh’s independence. However, the term “Razakar” struck a raw nerve. It is a term that conjures up memories of widespread violence from the 1971 War of Independence, during which the “Razakars” collaborated with the Pakistani army against the Bengali nationalist movement.

Historical Context Of The Term “Razakar”

The “Razakars” were a paramilitary force recruited by the Pakistani army during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. Comprised primarily of pro-Pakistani Bengalis and Urdu-speaking Biharis, the “Razakars” were involved in numerous atrocities, including mass killings, rapes, and torture. The 1971 war saw immense suffering, with estimates of civilian deaths ranging from 300,000 to 3 million. The scars of these events are still evident in the national psyche.

In 2010, Prime Minister Hasina’s government established the International Crimes Tribunal to prosecute those accused of war crimes during the 1971 conflict. This move was part of her strategy to address historical injustices and was widely seen as a fulfilment of her party’s electoral promises. The tribunal has since convicted several individuals, predominantly from the now-banned Jamaat-e-Islami party.

In December 2019, the government published a list of 10,789 individuals identified as “Razakars”, marking the first official recognition of these collaborators. This list included prominent figures and was intended to ensure that future generations understand the historical context of their actions.

The Contentious Quota System

The current protests are rooted in the quota system for government jobs, which allocates significant portions to descendants of freedom fighters. This system, established in 1972 and abolished briefly in 2018 before being reinstated, has been a source of contention. Critics argue that it disproportionately benefits Awami League supporters and limits opportunities for other qualified candidates.

“They are protesting against the repressive nature of the state,” said Mubashar Hasan, a Bangladesh expert at the University of Oslo in Norway, as quoted by news agency AFP. “Protesters are questioning Hasina’s leadership, accusing her of clinging onto power by force. The students are in fact calling her a dictator.”

Student protests against the quota system have a history in Bangladesh. The latest wave began after the decision to reinstate the system, which was followed by the Supreme Court suspending the order pending a government appeal. This legal limbo has left many students frustrated, feeling that their demands for a merit-based system are being ignored.

The students’ grievances extend beyond the quota system. High youth unemployment and a stagnant economy have all contributed to a sense of frustration and despair. Public sector jobs, with their regular wages and benefits, are highly coveted in a country where economic opportunities are limited.