A pix of the NMDC facility
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Pacer Sandeep Warrier played a vital role for Tamil Nadu in the past five domestic cricket seasons.
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Water being released through the spillway gates of the Taliperu reservoir in Charla mandal of Bhadradri Kothagudem district on Tuesday.

Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai during the Chhattisgarh Investor Connect, in Hyderabad on Friday.
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New Delhi:

Unnatural sex between a man and his adult wife does not merit punishment, the Chhattisgarh High Court said in a recent judgment. The case involves a man whose wife died in hospital after unnatural sex. The doctor said she had peritonitis and rectal perforation. 

Marital rape is not punishable by law in India. The High Court judgment now leaves unnatural sex out of the ambit of punishment as well. 

Accused of unnatural sex and culpable homicide not amounting to murder, he was convicted by a trial court, but got relief from the High Court. 

In its judgment, the court said if the wife is more than 15 years old, “any sexual intercourse” or sexual act by the husband cannot be termed as rape under any circumstance and as such, absence of wife’s consent for unnatural act loses significance. 

So offences under Section 376 and 377 of IPC against the appellant cannot be made.

“The offence between husband and wife cannot be made out under Section 375 IPC as per the repeal made by way of amendment and in view of repugnancy between both the sections,” the judgment read.
The Supreme Court was hearing a clutch of petitions seeking criminalisation of marital rape but the hearing got suspended as then Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud who headed the bench was about to retire. 

A new bench is expected to hear the matter. 

The Centre maintains that protection of the institution of marriage is essential and there is no need to criminalise marital rape. So it is not within the court’s purview to take a decision on the matter.

During the hearing, the government also maintained that parliament has provided several measures to protect the consent of a married woman within marriage.

Bhopal:

On January 7, Ramesh Baghel’s father died. No one could have imagined that the cremation of a pastor from a village in Bastar would reach the country’s Supreme Court. His son wanted to bury him near the graves of his ancestors in the village, but he couldn’t.

On Monday, the Supreme Court ordered that he must be buried in a cemetery in Jagdalpur, 30-35 km from the village. However, a two-judge bench of the Supreme Court was divided on the decision – one judge supported burying the body in the village, while the other said the last rites should be performed in the cemetery reserved for the community.

This ground report attempts to explore whether there exists a gap between court verdicts and social realities. Are social conditions often as simple as they appear based on facts alone?

A Village at the Crossroads of Faith and Law

In Bastar’s Padarpara, a group of young people from the Christian community sing prayer songs. But the dusty roads of Chhindawara have settled over this song. In this quiet village, a farmer’s fight has captured the attention of the entire nation – a village standing at the crossroads of faith, tradition, and justice. Politics and legal arguments kept heating up over the body of a pastor. His body lay inside a cold freezer for three weeks.

Ramesh’s father, pastor Subhash Baghel, died on January 7. The family wanted him to be buried in the village cemetery near his ancestors. But this simple wish turned into a big controversy.

A Fight for Dignity, Not Just a Grave

For three weeks, Ramesh Baghel’s father’s body has been waiting burial. He was not allowed to be buried in his own village. This family believes this is not just a fight for a grave, but a fight for respect, against oppression and religious discrimination.

“Where I have buried my ancestors, my grandfather, my aunt, if suddenly someone refuses to allow it, then obviously the police and tehsildar who came supported them. Tomorrow, someone might tell me to leave my house… That’s why I thought this was against my rights. My entire family is buried there, yet they are depriving us of this,” said Ramesh.

A Community Divided by Faith

Ramesh’s grandfather, Laksheshwar, and his father, Subhash, were among the first people in the village to convert to Christianity in the 1980s. Ramesh said earlier, everything was fine, but over the years, due to their religious beliefs, relationships in the village became strained to the point where they had to shut down their grocery store. If someone even bought a matchbox from them, villagers imposed a fine of Rs 5,100. The situation is such that even laborers refuse to work in their fields. The panchayat itself acknowledges this.

“We had a small shop, but it was shut down because of this. Now, no one wants to work as a laborer for us,” said Ramesh.

The deputy sarpanch Rameshwar Nag, said their people say they have abandoned their tradition. “They say it is not right to maintain relations with them, so people have stopped visiting them,” Mr Nag said.

Ramesh could not find a grave for his father in Chhindawara. The village has a population of 6,450, with over 6,000 belonging to tribal communities, while the rest are Dalits from the Mahara caste, which includes Ramesh’s family.

However, Ramesh’s case is not the first.

On the outskirts of the village, Padarpara exists. In October last year, Ishwar Nag from that village died in Tongpal, Sukma. His cousin, Jaldev Andhakuri, cremated him there, triggering controversy. The matter escalated so much that many of his relatives were detained by the police for five days, and Section 170 was imposed. This section is applied to someone who impersonates a public servant to commit wrongdoing.

Tribal communities such as Kalhar, Raut, Kumhar, Maria, Bhatra, Halba, and Dhurva, along with Dalits from the Mahara caste live in Chhindawara. Panchayat officials said this is not just a religious issue but also a matter of tribal identity and their reservation rights.

The panchayat refers to the 5th Schedule and explains that, according to state laws, bodies can only be buried in designated locations. They also cite the PESA Act.

Many villagers say Christian customs threaten their traditional orthodox practices. On February 7, 2024, the gram sabha passed a resolution saying anyone who leaves this tradition and adopts another religion will not be given a place in the village cemetery.

Chhindwara has around 10 cemeteries, designated for different ethnic groups. In 2007, Ramesh’s grandfather, Laxeshwar, and in 2015, his aunt were buried following Christian customs, and there was no objection at that time. However, now the gram sabha has passed a 13-point resolution.

Mangtu, the husband of the sarpanch, said, “No one is instigating from outside. Those who have abandoned traditional customs, why should they claim ownership of our cremation grounds? Our traditional burial sites are allocated for the entire community, so why do they want to take over? We do not have any separate land for this. During their burial rituals, pastors come, the Bible is read… Our traditions are different, and that is why we do not want this. We follow traditional customs – if we ask to bury someone in a Muslim cemetery, will they allow it?”

Mangoes Ripen, Conflicts Deepen

Social divisions are deepening in the village. Wven festivals and something as simple as sweet mangoes are becoming sources of conflict. Christians say they only have issues with idol worship but participate in all other celebrations. Those following traditional customs disagree.

“They do not observe our festivals, do not participate in jatra (a local fair). When we organise fairs based on our traditions, we collect donations. We celebrate on specific dates, but they do not follow them. They celebrate Hindu festivals, but not our traditional ones,” deputy sarpanch Rameshwar Nag said.

“Until now, there was no dispute; they have always celebrated their way, and we never objected. But now, they are interfering in our festivals. For example, we do not eat mangoes until we complete our festival rituals, but they pluck and sell them before our festival arrives. By the time we celebrate, the mangoes are gone. These things make us very upset,” he said.

Ramesh Baghel, the son of late Subhash Baghel, however, said everyone contributes donations, but not participate in idol worship.

Not all members of the majority community support this “discrimination”. Some openly spoke against it on camera, including the panchayat members themselves.

“A burial ground should be provided. Where else will they go? Private spaces are not allowing them. Every religion is great. The problem is not religion; the issue is about land, water, and roads, which belong to everyone,” said Raju Ram, a panchayat member.

Bastar has nearly 70 per cent tribal population. The people here – Gond, Maria, Muria, Bhatra, Halba, and Dhurwa – deeply respect their traditional customs and religious beliefs.

As we traveled, we stopped at a cemetery in Tirathgarh, where the Muria tribe members were preparing for a funeral. Nearby was a white grave belonging to the Sodhi tribe. Locals said since they were distant relatives, a spot was allocated for them beside the cemetery.

“The village elders make the final decisions. So far, no one from outside has been buried here. All these graves belong to our relatives; we are one family,” Ludru Ram Kashyap, a villager, said.

Deepchand Kashyap, another villager, said they don’t want to allocate cemetery space for Christians in Tirathgarh. “It will be a problem.”

Christians make up 8 per cent of Chhattisgarh’s population. Around four lakh people in the state are directly associated with the church, out of which 2.5 lakh belong to the Catholic community. For the past two years, disputes over Christian burials have been increasing.

There have been more than 350 incidents related to burial conflicts in this period. In Chhattisgarh, particularly in Bastar, social inequality is evident. At a crossroads, society seems divided – some even say that in the coming days, this issue could become bigger than the Maoist problem.

Christian groups accuse the ruling party and Hindu organisations of inciting people against them, while the BJP denies these allegations.

“Villagers are being provoked and taught to suppress Christians in this manner. Earlier, everyone lived together. Christian burials had been happening for a long time. But when there was a change in power at the centre, and later in the state, these problems started appearing. Nothing like this happened before,” saud Bhupendra Khora, convener of the Chhattisgarh Progressive Christian Alliance.

The local MP Mahesh Kashyap said none of these was a matter of the BJP or any organisation.

“This is about the culture, traditions and identity of Bastar. There was a time when people were unaware. Even during 800 years of Mughal rule, there was no religious conversion here, nor during 200 years of British rule. I believe this is the only region in the world that has remained safe and protected in every sense. But today, in Independent India, this region is facing a kind of encroachment. Naturally, people are angry, and that is why they are coming forward and using legal means to prevent it, with the entire society involved in this effort,” Mr Kashyap said.

In Bastar, issues related to religious conversions and burial grounds have often led to tensions, violence, and even clashes.

In December 2024, a dispute arose over the burial of a Christian woman in Bade Bodal village. The situation turned violent, leaving eight people injured.

In February 2024, a 25-year-old laborer, Tulsi Nag, could not be cremated in his own village in Navaguda due to similar conflicts.

In 2023, a church in Narayanpur district was attacked. During that period, the issue of burials also led to unrest in several districts, including Bastar, Narayanpur, Kanker, Kondagaon, and Dantewada.

“Many times, a peaceful resolution is reached, but there have been instances where it has been said that since there is a cemetery in the city, Christian community members should bury their dead there. Here, the PESA Act is in effect, and until a burial ground is officially designated, burials cannot take place. This becomes a contentious issue,” Bastar SP Shalabh Sinha said.

It is true that the 5th Schedule is in effect in Bastar, which means the Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA) applies here. Under this law, no factory can be set up, no place of worship can be built, and no religious gathering can take place without the consent of the gram sabha.

However, in the case of Ishwar Korram’s burial in Chhindbahar, a Chhattisgarh High Court bench led by Justice Rakesh Mohan Pandey referred to a verse from the Yuddha Kanda of the Ramayana in the opening lines of its judgment.

“Mitraani dhan dhaanyaani prajaanaam sammatani va, Janani janmabhoomischa swargaadapi gareeyasi (friends, wealth, and resources hold great value in this world, but nothing is greater than one’s mother and motherland)”

As a result, Ishwar Korram’s family was granted their constitutional right under Article 21 to conduct his last rites with dignity.

However, in the case of Subhash Baghel, the law stood in the way of his family’s wishes. The ruling came from the Supreme Court, though the bench was divided.

One judge saw the burial restriction as a violation of Articles 14 and 15(1), which guarantee equality before the law and prohibit religious discrimination.

The other judge, however, held that burial grounds cannot be arbitrarily designated. While the right to last rites is protected under the Constitution, no one has an absolute right to choose any burial site. Under Article 25, the freedom of religion is subject to public order, and the government has the authority to regulate such provisions.

So, Subhash Baghel was not buried in his own village but laid to rest in the Karakaapal cemetery. Ramesh Baghel finally buried his father here and the Supreme Court’s verdict may bring closure to one family, but it also raises larger questions about coexistence in a country that thrives on diversity.

Can people truly embrace unity if the differences that define them continue to divide them?

As the dust settles over the grave of Subhash Baghel, his family is left grappling with a sense of displacement. Their battle was not just for a burial ground but for dignity, identity, and the right to mourn their loved ones in the land they call home.

Durg:

42-year-old man triggered a blast in the car of his wife’s employer with a remote-controlled bomb in Chhattisgarh’s Durg district on suspicion she was having an affair with him, a senior police official said on Wednesday.

No one was inside the parked car at the time of the blast, which damaged the vehicle, he said.

The accused, Devendra Singh, a resident of Ram Nagar locality in Bhilai city, was arrested on Wednesday, a day after the incident, he said.

After the blast in the car of realtor Sanjay Bundela outside his office in Bhilai city on Tuesday, police lodged a case against an unidentified person under relevant sections of the new criminal law BNS and the Explosive Substances Act, and started a probe, the official said.

Based on the technical analysis of CCTV footage, the police detained Singh for questioning who confessed his involvement in the crime, he said.

Singh told the police he committed the act on suspicion that his wife, who works as an assistant manager in Bundela’s office, was having an affair with the real estate developer, the official added.

The accused said he learned to make a remote-controlled bomb from a YouTube video and then blasted Bundela’s car using the explosive device to scare him, according to the official.

Singh was produced in a local court, which sent him to prison, he added.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

Dantewada:

The 22-year-old daughter of late Chhattisgarh BJP leader Bheema Mandavi allegedly committed suicide in Dehradun, her family said here on Tuesday.

Bheema Mandavi himself had died in a blast carried out by Naxalites in 2019.

Deepa Mandavi, who was doing a physiotherapy course in the Uttarakhand capital, was found hanging from the ceiling fan in her paying guest accommodation in Karanpur area of Dehradun on January 26, a family member said.

Tragically, one of her sisters had allegedly committed suicide by jumping from a building in Raipur in 2013.

Deepa was a third-year student of physiotherapy course at a private institute in Dehradun. She was staying with some friends in a rented room, but a week ago shifted to a PG accommodation, her relative said.

According to police, no suicide note was found at the spot though prima facie the incident seemed to be a suicide.

Deepa’s mother Ojasvi Mandavi, a member of the Chhattisgarh State Women Commission, went to Dehradun with other family members after being informed about the incident. Deepa’s body was brought to Gadapal village in Dantewada where the last rites were performed on Tuesday.

Deepa had recently visited her home.

On April 9, 2019, then BJP MLA Bheema Mandavi was killed in a blast carried out by Naxalites in Dantewada district.

According to family sources, Bheema Mandavi married Ojasvi after the death of his first wife in a road accident. He had three daughters — including Deepa and her sister who died in 2013 — and a son.

Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai expressed grief over Deepa Mandavi’s death.

“The news of the sudden death of Deepa Mandavi, daughter of former Dantewada MLA late Bhima Mandavi ji and State Women Commission member Ojasvi Mandavi ji is extremely sad. I spoke to Ojasvi ji on the phone and expressed my condolences on this tragic incident. I pray to God to rest in peace the departed soul and provide strength to the bereaved family,” Sai wrote on X.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

The forces’ supplies ran low and they were hungry and thirsty, but they didn’t let that affect their morale and went on to kill 16 Maoists, including a senior leader carrying a Rs 1-crore bounty, in Kulhadighat in Chhattisgarh’s Raipur district earlier this week.

Speaking exclusively to NDTV on Thursday, Raipur Inspector General of Police Amresh Mishra shared details of the encounter, revealing that the Maoists used drones to keep an eye on the security forces. He said some of the Maoists killed carried a combined bounty of Rs 5 crore and that the extremists likely lost more men, but may have carried away the bodies. 

Inputs, Operation

On Sunday evening, intelligence inputs revealed that a large group of senior Maoist cadres was assembling in the hills of Kulhadighat. The group, reportedly comprising 25-30 prominent Maoist leaders from Odisha and Chhattisgarh cadres, had convened to discuss fund collection, panchayat elections and establishing a safe corridor from Bastar.

The operation was carried out in three phases: planning, tactical strategy, and monitoring. The security forces, equipped with precise intelligence, embarked on what they had thought would be an operation lasting a day and a half, which eventually stretched on for three days – until Wednesday.

Combined teams of E-30 soldiers (Gariaband district), COBRA 207 and CRPF’s 65 and 211 battalions, along with Odisha’s Special Operations Group (SOG), coordinated the tactical strike.

Challenging Terrain 

The operation unfolded in the rugged hills of Kulhadighat, with heavy firing exchanged between the security forces and the Maoists. Despite limited rations and gruelling conditions, the security personnel demonstrated unwavering resolve and high morale.

Inspector General Mishra said, “The security forces had initially set out for a one-and-a-half to two-day operation, but they ended up fighting the Naxalites for three days, while remaining hungry and thirsty.”

The Maoists he said, had also deployed two drones for surveillance, but the forces outmaneuvered them using local drones for intelligence and monitoring. The extremists were surrounded in a triangle-shaped ambush, with Odisha’s Special Operations Group blocking escape routes to the state, and forces in Chhattisgarh covering the remaining exits. 

Top Leaders Neutralised

Among the 16 Naxals killed, 11 bodies have been identified and the biggest name of them all was Jayaram Reddy aka Chalapati, a Central Committee Member, who was a a key Maoist strategist and had been active since 1991. He was responsible for numerous attacks, including the killing of an MLA in Andhra Pradesh, and played a central role in fund collection and urban Maoist propaganda. The government had announced a Rs 1 crore reward for information leading to his arrest.  

Some of the others are Jayaram alias Guddu, a mobilisation expert with a notorious record of organising Maoist operations and Satyam Gawade, a top commander in Kanker, responsible for coordinating major operations over several years.

“These leaders collectively carried a bounty exceeding Rs 5 crore,” Mr Mishra said.

The officer emphasised that the elimination of these top leaders marks a turning point in the fight against Maoism.

 “The killing of Chalapati, Guddu, and Gawade will cripple their network and strategies. We are on track to eradicate Maoism by March 2026, paving the way for a brighter future for Bastar,” he said.

Strategic Significance 

Kulhadighat, a tribal-dominated region spread across 75 km, comprises seven villages surrounded by forests and hills. The area remains a no-network zone, with a population of about 1,500. Four of the villages are situated on hilltops, making accessibility a challenge.

For decades, this region served as a strategic hub for Naxal leaders overseeing operations across Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh. The rugged terrain and dense vegetation provided a natural shield, turning Kulhadighat into a safe haven for Chalapati and other top cadre leaders.

The villagers in hilltop settlements lead secluded lives, descending only once a week to collect essentials such as rations and water. Supplies are transported back using horses and mules. This exacerbates the challenge of monitoring the area.

Bhopal:

Jayaram Reddy was known by several aliases – Ramachandra Reddy, Apparao, and Ramu. But the most prominent was Chalapati. A senior leader in the Maoist ranks, Chalapati was gunned down during an encounter along with 19 other associates in a Chhattisgarh forest last night, marking one of the most successful campaigns by security forces to cleanse the region of Left-Wing Extremism (LWE).

Who was Jayaram Reddy

Chalapati, about 60 years old, was from Madanapalle in Chittoor, Andhra Pradesh, and had studied till Class 10. Despite his modest educational background, he had risen to prominence in the Maoist ranks, becoming a cadre of the Central Committee Member (CCM), a top decision-making body within the organisation.

Such a key position, which made him privy to sensitive operations of the banned outfit, drew a bounty of Rs 1 crore. The value of the bounty also suggests how important a target he was for the security forces.

Read: Maoist With 1 Crore Bounty Among 20 Killed, Amit Shah Says “Major Success”

Chalapati was familiar with the dense and impenetrable forests of Bastar. His security detail comprising 8-10 personal guards bears a testament to his importance within the Maoist network.

Armed with advanced weaponry like AK-47s and SLR rifles, Chalapati was a frontline leader who played a crucial role in making strategies and leading operations.

His tactical expertise, leadership skills, and ability to mobilise resources in challenging terrains earned him notoriety as one of the most wanted Maoist leaders in the region.

Chalapati relocated his base a few months ago in view of increasing encounters in Abujhmad, to the Gariaband-Odisha border, which was deemed a safer operational zone.

The Encounter

Chalapati and his associates – who are yet to be identified – were killed during an exchange of fire with a joint team comprising the District Reserve Guard, Central Reserve Police Force, CoBRA commandoes from Chhattisgarh, and the Special Operation Group from Odisha.

The security forces launched the operation based on intelligence inputs that some Maoists were holed up in the Kularighat reserve forest of Chhattisgarh, about 5 km from the Odisha border.

Guns including a self-loading rifle, ammunition, and bombs were found at the encounter site.

Union Home Minister Amit Shah, who had spelled the endgame for Maoists in the country, called it a “major success”.

“Another mighty blow to Naxalism. Our security forces achieved major success towards building a Naxal-free Bharat…With our resolve for a Naxal-free India and the joint efforts of our security forces, Naxalism is breathing its last today,” he said in an online post.

The government has been trying to make the Maoists shun violence and get back to the mainstream. At least 800 Maoists were arrested last year while another 802 extremists laid down their arms.

The security forces had killed 219 Maoists last year. Of them, 217 were from the Bastar region, comprising Bastar, Dantewada, Kanker, Bijapur, Narayanpur, Kondagaon, and Sukma districts.