On August 5, 2024, the Sheikh Hasina government, which had ruled Bangladesh with an iron fist for nearly sixteen years, collapsed following the quota reform movement led by students and political parties. Over the course of the July-August uprising, a few incidents stand out.

First, is the role of the private universities, which had largely stayed away from political movements till then. Second, is the part played by the ‘study circles’, formed three years before the collapse of the government to escape government surveillance. Third, is the prominence of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) and its student cadres. Fourth is the disappearance of the Bangladesh Chhatra League — the student wing of Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League (AL) — a day prior to the students’ march to Dhaka.

Historically, students have been at the forefront of various political movements in Bangladesh. Be it the language movement that saw the students of the Dhaka University (DU) demand the recognition of Bangla as the national language, or the students handing over the flag of the independent Bangladesh to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman prior to the Liberation War of 1971, or the anti-Ershad movement of the 1990s, or the latest July revolution of 2024, students have played an important role in shaping the politics of the country.

More than students’ causes

A remarkable factor of these protests has been the students’ capacity to transform their causes into broad-based movements. In the 2024 July -August uprising that ultimately overthrew Ms. Hasina, not only the teachers, but the parents of the students too became part of the movement. “It was impossible to keep the children at home. As they moved to the streets, the parents joined them,” a witness said. What began as a students’ movement effectively became a Chhatro-Janata (student-people) movement eventually.

The 2024 protests also saw political actors and cadres play a significant role, organising and implementing the agenda of the students. This was evident from the fact that the students, who wanted a reversal of the quota system, were unwilling to renounce their protests even after the Supreme Court scrapped the High Court decision. It is likely that the Opposition political parties, which had a vested interest in removing Ms. Hasina, took the centrestage, effectively transforming the objectives of the original movement that focused on quota reforms.

Also, Ms. Hasina’s government, that had conducted three flawed elections, lost touch with the ground. The dissatisfaction and discontent among the people were apparent as corruption had seeped into the system. Ruthless repression was unleashed by a politicised law-and-order machinery that saw its interests entrenched with the survival of the government.

The Hasina government’s labelling of the students as razakars (a name used to refer to those who collaborated with the Pakistan Army in 1971) not only incensed them but also showed the government’s efforts at delegitimising the protesters’ demands. The students, however, turned the slogan to their advantage and made it a ‘counter-hegemonic’ line, managing to hijack the narrative-building from the hands of the government.

Affluent students from private universities in Dhaka, who had earlier remained aloof during the quota reform movement, also joined the protests, changing the character of the movement. The protests were, as Bangladeshi academic Navine Murshid described, “organised mobilisations against the repressive state apparatus”.

Organising the movement

Several study circles or Patho chakros were established by the students prior to the July upheaval to discuss the political, ideological and social issues confronting Bangladesh. These small groups included intellectuals with whom students could discuss issues that affected Bangladesh politics and share their thoughts on the way forward. One such group was also linked to author and Awami League critic Farhad Mazhar, whose ideas on revolution, especially his book Gono-Obhyuthan O Gothon: Bangladeshe Gonorajnoitik Dharar Bikash Proshongo, were discussed by the students.

The formation of these groups was important given the political context. There had been no avenues for students to conduct their activities, share their thoughts or openly criticise the government, due to the draconian Digital Security Act, and a pervasive culture of fear.

Groups such as the Bodhi Chakra, the Bhabo Boithak and the Gurubar Adda etc. came into being as discussion forums for politics. These forums created unity among the students, breaching ideological barriers. As Sohul Ahmed, a Dhaka-based political analyst said, “the Shahbag group and the Shapla Chattor group, who stood at the extreme ends of two ideologies, came together in these study circles by bridging the political distance that existed between them since 2013”. The students, without creating a new organisation, took help from existing ones to put forward their ideas.

Magazines such as Rashtro Chinta focused on political issues while Purbo Pakho and Ronoppa were cultural journals.

Many artists also joined the protest. Not only did they draw posters but they also sang songs of the protests. Some of the participants included the Samgeet and the Anti-Oppression Artists’ Association, visual artist Debashis Chakraborty, artists Sayan and Mousumi, cartoonists Ahmed Kabir Kishore and Mehedi Haque, rapper Hannan, and the University Teachers Network.

As the anti-quota movement mobilised, the students also tried to bring the Gen Z and the middle class into its fold. The turning point proved to be when the private university students and madrassa students, who have generally refrained from joining protests of the students at public universities, joined the ‘Students Against Discrimination’ movement.

The students who came together to demonstrate against Ms. Hasina included not just the ones belonging to the student-wings of political actors but also the regular students who were concerned about their jobs due to the quota system. Despite lacking ideological coherence, they stood united against the Awami League and the Chhatra League.

Political messaging through graffiti

Not just the posters and placards carried by the students, but the walls of Dhaka too were used for political messaging, as the Hasina government controlled the media and shut down the Internet for eleven days. As the government and the Chhatra League’s repression intensified, the students, who had mobilised under the name ‘Students Against Discrimination’ (SAD), gave a call for online and offline graffiti on July 18. Ms. Murshid mentions that the Chika Mara (a form of graffiti made popular during the Language Movement of 1952 and the Liberation War of 1971) wall writings, which were deemed ‘vulgar’, were ‘replaced by endless walls of art’. She describes how this wall art now featured detailed Islamic calligraphy since the fall of Ms. Hasina. “What was called graffiti had become politicised in a different way: co-opted to demonstrate the ideals of a “new Bangladesh” after the “revolution” and repurposed to create a certain narrative. It was less about religious messaging and more of an expression of anger conveyed in a beautiful way.

No one knows why they were erased or who gave the instructions (though such graffitis have always given way to new ones). There was also a debate on what to be retained and erased from the walls. The use of inappropriate language in political sloganeering was removed as some argued that ‘profanities did not belong in areas where children and elderly parents could read them’.

Some believed that the use of inappropriate language through ‘spray painted scrawls, and the spikes and messiness of the script’ also reflected the ‘chaos, fear and wrath’ felt by protestors persecuted by the law enforcement agencies. A sanitised version of the graffiti that adorned the walls of Dhaka was later printed and presented as the ‘Art of Triumph’ by Chief Adviser and head of the interim government Professor Muhammad Yunus to a visiting delegation.

First martyr

The movement had its first martyr in Abu Sayeed, a student from Rangpur, who symbolised the aspirations of millions looking for a government job. He was shot dead on July 17, 2024. The subsequent killings, which numbered close to 1,000, were mostly the result of police firings, completely transforming the nature of the movement and making it about the removal of Ms. Hasina.

The protests were no longer restricted to the quota reforms spearheaded by students but had shifted to the hands of a larger political class. This made it difficult for the government to divide the students and arrest their leaders. Subjecting them to intelligence interrogation did not help either.

Ms. Hasina had surrounded herself with sycophants and opportunist leaders who could not speak the truth to power. The killings of nearly 1,000 students and youth proved to be the impetus needed to sustain the anti-government movements. Both the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the JeI claimed that their cadres were also among the victims. There were others too, such as policemen, AL workers and minorities who were deemed supporters of the AL. These killings were justified as a reappraisal attack by the administration.

Some of the student leaders who were part of the Awami League’s youth wing, the Chhatra League, came out of their cover and identified themselves as part of the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir — the student-wing of the JeI. In fact, Sarjis Alam, convener of the newly formed student-led National Citizens Party (NCP), who at one point of time had belonged to the Chhatra League, lauded the role of the Chhatra Shibir. This well-conceived policy to use the Awami League and the student organisations as a cover was part of the JeI’s strategy to counter the government repression — something it did in 1972 when the party was banned.

For the past 15 years, the Liberation War and the Awami Leagu’s role in it were capitalised by Sheikh Hasina. According to this narrative, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the sole proprietor of the Liberation War, and the version perpetuated by Ms. Hasina and the Awami League about the Liberation War became the national narrative. Anyone who questioned this was termed anti-liberation force or razakars.

Aftermath of the uprising

The fall of Ms. Hasina’s government on August 5, 2024, witnessed not just violence against minorities perpetuated by those opposed to the Awami League but also a rush to occupy university halls and ferry ghats to ensure a show of strength. In Bangladesh politics, university halls play an important part in the recruitment of party cadres while occupation of ferry ghats ensures political control and extortion of money from ferry operators, which is a significant source of revenue.

This reflected how the more things changed, the more they remained the same. Effectively, the control of halls and ferry ghats had merely shifted from the hands of the Chhatra League to the Chatra Dal — the student-wing of the BNP.

The student-led NCP, which had projected itself as the main stakeholder of the July revolution, demanded a trial of Awami League workers and other high officials involved in the violence of July 2024. It accused the chief of the Army Staff, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, of forcing its members to accept a ‘refined Awami League’ when party leaders and Students Against Discrimination activists Sarjis Alam and Hasnat Abdullah, went to meet him.

The Army subsequently denied this allegation, with student leaders such as Abdul Hannan Masud, senior joint chief coordinator of the NCP, opposed to expressing such views against the Army in public.

Meanwhile, the press wing of the Bangladesh Armed Forces, the Inter Service Public Relations (ISPR), while acknowledging that the Army provided shelter to politicians, judges and police, also said “After the fall of the previous government during the students-and-citizens-led uprising, the overall law and order situation in the country deteriorated significantly due to the activities of certain conspiratorial elements.”

This breakdown in security led to attacks on government offices and police stations, violence against political activists and supporters of the Awami League, arson, mob justice, thefts, and looting. In such a chaotic and volatile environment, many citizens feared for their lives. However, the ISPR later clarified that all these officials left once the situation returned to normal. The NCP has been suspicious of the Army’s links to the Awami League, leading to apprehensions that it may try to rehabilitate the party.

Separately, the lifestyles of some student leaders came under scrutiny, as did their sources of wealth. The misuse of official positions by student leaders also made the headlines. An instance to be cited is the opening of an office by the NCP in Dhaka’s Bangla Motor area and the hosting of an Iftar party at a five-star hotel, raising questions about its source of funding. Mr. Alam’s motorcade, comprising over a hundred vehicles, in his hometown of Panchagarh, also raised questions regarding the expenses of this lavish show.

The NCP has recently suspended Joint Member Secretary Gazi Salauddin Tanvir on corruption charges. Its Joint Convener Sarwar Tushar was also suspended on moral turpitude as the party tries to build a clean image.

After removing Ms. Hasina’s appointees from educational institutions and bureaucracy, the government filled them with the affiliates of the BNP and the JeI.

Demolition of 32 Dhanmondi (the former residence of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman), and attacks against former Ministers and their supporters’ houses across the country set the tone for a “new Bangladesh”, where mob violence became the order of the day. In response, the Yunus government launched ‘Operation Devil Hunt’ on February 8, 2025, to address the lawlessness, especially after students and civilians were allegedly attacked by ‘Awami League miscreants’ in Gazipur a day before. Yet, at the same time, mob violence has been justified as ‘expression of anger’.

The post-uprising period also witnessed a systematic dismantling of anything associated with the Liberation War. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s statue was taken down, and his house was set on fire with some even dancing in front of it, which at one point in time, was a political symbol. The house was dismantled when a call for a ‘bulldozer march’ was made on social media with the government quietly presiding over the process.

Some even demanded the dropping of the national anthem to do away with Bangladesh’s historical legacy. The final erasure of the Liberation War came when the Awami League was banned following demands by the NCP. Not surprisingly, the Hefazat-e-Islam, an Islamist party, had also joined hands with the NCP to call for this demand.

Meanwhile, several protests have broken out against the Yunus government since it came to power on August 8, 2024. While garment workers demanded an increase in wages, secretariat employees went on strike in May 2025 after Mr. Yunus announced a law that enabled the dismissal of public servants for misconduct before due process, which was perceived as an arbitrary move. More recently, schoolteachers protested seeking a salary hike. Separately, there have been frequent protests by political parties too.

Post ‘revolution’: new politics?

The student leaders who would go on to become part of the newly formed government played an influential role initially. While political reforms were their stated objective, within a few months, it became apparent that the students wanted to form their own party.

The Awami League government was massively corrupt and ruthless; but anyone familiar with the functioning of political parties in Bangladesh would be aware that the party leadership reigns supreme and hence the Awami League alone cannot be blamed for Ms. Hasina’s misgovernance. It is also likely that the banning of the Awami League would open up space for both the NCP and the Islamists while the BNP remains a strong contender for power.

The JeI, which has justified its role in the Liberation War of 1971, wants to create a new narrative. The party’s Ameer, Dr. Shafiqur Rahman, said soon after the July-August uprising that Bangladesh has given birth to brave children and has achieved a second liberation. This second liberation would be preserved with blood.

The Khaleda Zia-led BNP, which had earlier not supported the ban on the Awami League, interestingly warmed up to the idea. It also accused the NCP of being the ‘Kings’ Party’ and claimed it received patronage from the interim government. It alleged that the NCP was setting up the Yunus government’s agenda along with the Islamists; a point exemplified by the fact that the NCP was joined by the Hefazat, the JeI and its student front, the Chhatra Shibir, and the Amar Bangladesh Party, in its demand seeking a ban on the Awami League.

Division within the students

Following its launch on February 28, 2025, the NCP included in its fold students from various political factions who played a crucial role during the student movement. For example, NCP chief coordinator Nasiruddin Patwari had previously served as the assistant secretary for information and research affairs of the Amar Bangladesh Party (AB Party), which had broken away from the JeI earlier. NCP Member Secretary Akhtar Hossain was the convener of the Ganatantrik Chhatra Shakti and a former social welfare secretary of DUCSU.

While the Chhatra Shibir played an important role, the party was not included in the NCP due to differences in opinion regarding its role within the NCP. Former Shibir activists on the platform wanted Ali Ahsan Zonaed, former president of the Shibir’s Dhaka University unit and member of the Nagorik Committee’s executive body, as the second-in-command of the new party.

The Shibir’s demand for an important position in the NCP was based on its role in the protests. Abdul Shadik Kayem, who belonged to the DU unit of the Chhatra Shibir, said the Shibir worked with various student factions. He said, “I was also in touch with S.M. Farhad (Chhatra Shibir’s Dhaka University secretary) and Mahfuz

Alam (present adviser in the interim regime). They, in turn, were talking to Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud. It was on July 3, 2024, that the Executive Council of the Chhatra Shibir met, and a decision was made for the party to support the movement. Without the Shibir’s support, organising the protests would have been difficult.”

After Ms. Hasina’s ouster, student-wings of the JeI and the BNP were at loggerheads. Both the Chhatra Shibir and the Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatrodal (the BNP’s student-wing) wanted to dominate the campus, creating a problem for the student leaders who had organised the protests under the banner of the ‘Students Against Discrimination’.

It was only in October 2024 that the Chhatra Shibir decided to participate in politics actively as they formed a committee in Dhaka University. Earlier on August 13, 2024, the Chhatra Shibir participated in a meeting of 35 other student organisations. The Shibir Public Relations officer had said, “Everyone on campus knew those who were on the committee in 2014 and 2018. The Shibir could not officially announce the committee during Sheikh Hasina’s regime”. In 1990, an organisation named Paribesh Parishad, representing all active student organisations of the Dhaka University, had passed a resolution to not allow the Chhatra Shibir from carrying out political activities at the varsity. Despite such stipulations, the Shibir remained active.

Another group that was excluded from the NCP were leaders from private universities, who played a significant role in the student movement. While announcing its 50-member advisory Council on August 14, 2025, the party did not include any students from private universities.

There was also a debate on whether the NCP should include in the council former Shibir cadres whose parent party, the JeI, was opposed to the Bangladesh Liberation War. The Shibir’s role in the student movement was recognised by Sarjis Alam of the NCP. Speaking at a Chhatra Shibir rally at the Suhrawardy Udyan in December 2024, Mr. Alam said, “We found Islami Chhatra Shibir to be our allies in 2024. They supported us both directly and indirectly by being present on the streets, offering advice, and playing the role of allies at crucial stages.”

Former Shibir activists who were part of the Students Against Discrimination movement, later formed an NCP Committee and pressed for the inclusion of Ali Ahsan Zonaed and Rafe Salman Rifat, former presidents of the Shibir’s Dhaka University unit. But this was not accepted. These members then decided to form the United Peoples Bangladesh as a new political organisation including the members who participated in the July revolution.

Reforms is one of the areas where there has been no consensus among different stakeholders. After enforcing a ban on the Awami League, the students want to do away with the 1972 Constitution which they have termed as a ‘Mujibbadi Constitution’. They insist on a referendum on the July Charter and a new Constitution. The NCP has called for the implementation of reforms before the election. Nahid Islam, convener of the NCP, have of late become critical of the advisers and have said that most of them are aligned with political parties and are looking for a safe exit once the election is over. It appears that Bangladesh politics has come a full circle as anti-terrorism law is used for arbitrary arrests to silence dissent, and mob violence is condoned as ‘acts by pressure groups’ and ‘outburst of public anger’. Interestingly, the NCP, along with four left political parties have refused to sign the ‘July Charter’ that recommends state reforms, while Mr. Yunus described the Charter as a harbinger of ‘New Bangladesh’. Meanwhile, 24 other political parties have signed the Charter. While the students played a significant role in the uprising, it may not be easy to turn their success into political capital and win elections. Nevertheless, the student uprising will remain an important historic milestone in Bangladesh’s political journey.

Smruti S. Pattanaik is a Research Fellow (SS) at Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses

Dhaka:

Bangladeshi police resumed patrols of the capital Dhaka on Monday, ending a weeklong strike that left a law and order vacuum following the abrupt ouster of autocratic ex-premier Sheikh Hasina.

Officers vanished from the streets of the sprawling megacity of 20 million people last week after Hasina’s resignation and flight abroad ended her 15-year rule.

Police were loathed for spearheading a lethal crackdown on the weeks of protests that forced her departure, with 42 officers among the more than 450 people killed.

Police had vowed not to resume work until their safety on duty was guaranteed, but they agreed to return after late-night talks with the new interim government, helmed by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus.

“The police association ended its strike last night,” the force’s national spokesperson Enamul Haque Sagor told AFP.

“Police officers have returned to work today,” he added. “You can see them managing traffic in Dhaka’s streets.”

‘Heinous attacks’

Student-led protests against Hasina’s government had been largely peaceful until police attempted to violently disperse them.

Around 450 of the country’s 600 police stations were targeted in arson and vandalism attacks over the past month, according to the national police union.

Some began reopening late last week under guard by the army, an institution held in higher esteem for largely refusing to participate in the crackdown.

In the police’s absence, the students who led the protests that toppled Hasina volunteered to restore law and order after looting and reprisal attacks in the hours after her departure.

They acted as traffic wardens, formed overnight neighbourhood watch patrols and guarded Hindu temples and other places of worship, quickly settling the unrest.

Yunus’s “council of advisors”, the de facto cabinet now administering the country, said it had noted with “grave concern” some attacks on Hindus and other minorities.

In its first official statement on Sunday night, the cabinet said it would work to “find ways to resolve such heinous attacks”.

Bangladeshi Hindus account for around eight percent of the country’s 170 million people and have regularly been the targets of violence during periods of upheaval.

Hundreds have arrived on India’s border since last week, asking to cross.

Hasina, 76, fled by helicopter to neighbouring India a week ago as protesters flooded Dhaka’s streets in a dramatic end to her iron-fisted tenure.

Her government was accused of widespread human rights abuses, including the extrajudicial killing of thousands of her political opponents.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

People take photos in front of anti-government graffiti on a vandalised mural depicting Bangladesh’s founding father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman days after a student-led uprising ended the 15-year rule of his daughter Sheikh Hasina in Dhaka on August 10, 2024.
| Photo Credit: AFP

Even as uncertainty prevails in Bangladesh with an interim government coming to power after widespread protests, the situation on ground is slowly returning to normal, Dhaka-based journalist Mohammad Ibrahim told The Hindu. 

Muhammad Yunus, head and Chief Adviser of the newly formed interim government, had asked the police to return to duty within 24 hours, but they were “nowhere to be found on the roads of Dhaka”, and students across the city are managing traffic. 

“For the last 15 years, the police have been one and the same with the [former Prime Minister Sheikh] Hasina government. They have hurt the public on many occasions. After the fall of the government, they are now scared to get back on the streets, fearing retaliation,” Mr. Ibrahim, a correspondent with the Dhaka Tribune, said.

“Students have been controlling traffic since August 6. They are also cleaning roads and helping the city recover from the aftermath of the protests. Fire service staff and some Army personnel have joined them. We are expecting the police to start working soon,” he added. 

With many killed in the protests, restoring Bangladesh to normalcy is a slow process. Speaking to The Hindu, Tozammel Hasan a bank employee who himself was part of the protests said, “Buses, taxis and autorickshaws are back on the road. Markets are open. Everyone is heading to work like before. Only the metro services are yet to resume,” Tozammel Hasan, a bank employee who participated in the protests, said. He agreed that the students were inexperienced in managing traffic, which sometimes led to congestion and chaos, but they were trying their best. 

Also Read | Hope Indian investments in Bangladesh are safe: Nirmala Sitharaman

Schools and colleges have not yet reopened in Bangladesh. “They are giving the students time to recover from the physical and mental trauma of the protests. Many are injured, many have seen a lot of killings. But they will be back in classrooms soon,” Mr. Hasan said, a resident of the Rayerbazar area with a large Hindu population and many temples, said. “No major incidents of violence against Hindus have been reported from my area of the city. Students have guarded the temples to ensure safety,” he said. 

Reports of violence 

Multiple incidents of violence against minorities have been reported from Bangladesh. Protests have also erupted across many cities in the country. Significant reports of fake news on the violence have also been widely circulated, both in India and Bangladesh. 

“Before I went to India, I used to hear that Muslims were not safe in India, I saw that reality was otherwise when I went there. The same is true for Bangladesh,” Mr. Ibrahim said, warning against hate-mongering .” He agreed that there had been incidents of violence against minorities. “The media portrayal of the violence is wrong. They are misusing videos and taking them out of context and misreporting. We need to be cautious about what we share and believe,” he said. 

Professor Om Prakash Mishra, Head of Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University said Bangladesh is at “the cusp of momentous change”. “It can strengthen and institutionalise parliamentary democracy in the nation,” Prof. Mishra said. He also said “motivated campaigns” to view the country with “negative lens” would be harmful for all stakeholders. “Incidents of violence during and after the protests have been seen historically across the globe. How soon they bounce back from it is more important,” he said. 

Prof. Mishra also hoped that the interim government would develop the right values for a better and normal administration, even if the transition proved to be difficult. 

Bangladesh is set to get an interim government headed by Nobel Peace Prize-winning economist Muhammad Yunus today, days after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was forced to resign amid violent student protests.

Here Are Top Points On New Bangladesh Interim Government:

VPNs help people bypass firewalls by masking their IP addresses [File]
| Photo Credit: REUTERS

A report from the vpnMentor research team has found that demand for VPNs in Bangladesh shot up by 5016% in the past week amidst a five-day internet shutdown that was imposed after violent protests over the employment quota. The study showed that starting July 22, the demand for VPNs increased dramatically, peaking on July 25 three days later.

The numbers started falling on July 25 after internet services were restored but still showed an increase by 2500% until yesterday.

(Unravel the complexities of our digital world on The Interface podcast, where business leaders and scientists share insights that shape tomorrow’s innovation. The Interface is also available on YouTube, Apple Podcasts and Spotify.)

VPNs help people bypass firewalls by masking their IP addresses and routing the internet connection through servers in other countries to access websites that would have been restricted during the ban.

The research team has found similar spikes in VPN usage in the past during internet suspensions or restrictions on certain apps and websites. Earlier in March this year, VPN demand rose in Spain by 330% a day ahead of an opposition protest in Madrid. Two weeks later, VPN demand grew by 150% again in the country after Telegram was banned temporarily.

Dhaka:

Bangladeshi police detectives on Friday forced the discharge from hospital of three student protest leaders blamed for deadly unrest, taking them to an unknown location, staff told AFP.

Asif Mahmud, Nahid Islam and Abu Baker Majumder are all members of Students Against Discrimination, the group responsible for organising recent street rallies against civil service hiring rules.

At least 193 people were killed in the ensuing police crackdown and clashes, according to an AFP count of victims reported by police and hospitals, in some of the worst unrest of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s tenure.

The trio were being treated for injuries that they said were caused by torture in earlier police custody at a hospital in the capital Dhaka.

“They took them from us,” Gonoshasthaya hospital supervisor Anwara Begum Lucky told AFP. “The men were from the Detective Branch.”

She added that she had not wanted to discharge the student leaders but police had pressured the hospital chief to do so.

Islam’s elder sister Fatema Tasnim told AFP from the hospital that six plainclothes detectives had taken all three men.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

Dhaka, Bangladesh:

Garment factories and banks reopened in Bangladesh Wednesday after authorities eased a curfew imposed to contain deadly clashes sparked by student protests over civil service employment quotas.

Last week’s violence killed at least 186 people, according to an AFP count of victims reported by police and hospitals, during some of the worst unrest of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s tenure.

Thousands of troops are patrolling cities around the South Asian country to keep order, and most Bangladeshis remain without internet nearly a week after a nationwide shutdown was imposed.

But with calm returning to the streets after several days of unbridled mayhem, the country’s economically vital textile factories resumed operations after government clearance.

“We were worried about the future of our company,” 40-year-old factory worker Khatun, who gave only one name, told AFP.

Despite the disruption, Khatun said she supported the demands of student protesters to reform government hiring rules and was shocked by last week’s violence.

“The government should implement all their demands,” she said. “A lot of them were killed. They sacrificed for future generations.”

The garment industry generates $50 billion in yearly export revenue for Bangladesh, employing millions of young women to sew clothes for H&M, Zara, Gap and other leading international brands.

A spokesperson for the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association told AFP that garment factories had resumed business “across the country”.

Hasina’s home minister Asaduzzaman Khan agreed to exempt textile workers from an ongoing curfew to allow them to return to work, the peak body’s spokesman said.

The curfew was eased Wednesday to allow some commerce to resume but remains in effect for most Bangladeshis for 19 hours each day.

Banks, the stock exchange in the capital Dhaka, and some government offices also opened between 10:00 am and 3:00 pm to match the daily break in the stay-home order, government spokesman Shibli Sadiq told AFP.

‘So much blood’ 

The student group which led this month’s protests has suspended demonstrations until at least Friday, with one leader saying they had not wanted reform “at the expense of so much blood”.

Police have arrested at least 2,500 people since the violence began last week.

Hasina’s government says the stay-home order will be relaxed further as the situation improves.

Broadband internet was being gradually restored on Tuesday evening but mobile internet — a key communication method for protest organisers — remained inoperative.

Internet connectivity across Bangladesh was still around 20 percent of normal levels, according to data published by US-based monitor Netblocks.

With around 18 million young people in Bangladesh out of work, according to government figures, the June reintroduction of the quota scheme — halted since 2018 — deeply upset graduates facing an acute jobs crisis.

Critics say the quota is used to stack public jobs with loyalists to Hasina’s Awami League.

The Supreme Court on Sunday cut the number of reserved jobs but fell short of protesters’ demands to scrap the quotas entirely.

Hasina, 76, has ruled the country since 2009 and won her fourth consecutive election in January after a vote without genuine opposition.

Her government is also accused by rights groups of misusing state institutions to entrench its hold on power and stamp out dissent, including by the extrajudicial killing of opposition activists.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

New Delhi:

Violence in Bangladesh has left over 130 dead as students demand reforms to a quota system governing the allocation of government jobs in the country. The protests intensified following Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s controversial remarks, where she labelled the protestors as “Razakars”. This term, historically loaded and carrying a negative connotation, harks back to the East Pakistani volunteer force that opposed the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign nation during its 1971 War of Independence.

The Spark

The protests, which began late last month, reached a boiling point earlier this week when student activists at Dhaka University, the largest university in the country, engaged in violent clashes with police and counter-protesters aligned with the ruling Awami League.

The controversial quota system reserves up to 30 per cent of government jobs for family members of veterans who fought in Bangladesh’s 1971 war of independence against Pakistan. Protesters argue that this system is discriminatory and disproportionately benefits supporters of Prime Minister Hasina’s Awami League party. They advocate for a merit-based system to replace the existing quota. Prime Minister Hasina’s fiery remarks at a public gathering ignited further protests.

“If not the grandchildren of the freedom fighters, then who will get quota benefits? The grandchildren of the ‘Razakars’?” the Bangladeshi PM asked. “This is my question. I want to ask the people of the nation. If the protesters don’t comply, I can do nothing. They can continue their protest. If protesters damage properties or attack cops, the law will take its course. We can’t help.”

PM Hasina’s intent was to highlight the importance of preserving benefits for the descendants of those who fought for Bangladesh’s independence. However, the term “Razakar” struck a raw nerve. It is a term that conjures up memories of widespread violence from the 1971 War of Independence, during which the “Razakars” collaborated with the Pakistani army against the Bengali nationalist movement.

Historical Context Of The Term “Razakar”

The “Razakars” were a paramilitary force recruited by the Pakistani army during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. Comprised primarily of pro-Pakistani Bengalis and Urdu-speaking Biharis, the “Razakars” were involved in numerous atrocities, including mass killings, rapes, and torture. The 1971 war saw immense suffering, with estimates of civilian deaths ranging from 300,000 to 3 million. The scars of these events are still evident in the national psyche.

In 2010, Prime Minister Hasina’s government established the International Crimes Tribunal to prosecute those accused of war crimes during the 1971 conflict. This move was part of her strategy to address historical injustices and was widely seen as a fulfilment of her party’s electoral promises. The tribunal has since convicted several individuals, predominantly from the now-banned Jamaat-e-Islami party.

In December 2019, the government published a list of 10,789 individuals identified as “Razakars”, marking the first official recognition of these collaborators. This list included prominent figures and was intended to ensure that future generations understand the historical context of their actions.

The Contentious Quota System

The current protests are rooted in the quota system for government jobs, which allocates significant portions to descendants of freedom fighters. This system, established in 1972 and abolished briefly in 2018 before being reinstated, has been a source of contention. Critics argue that it disproportionately benefits Awami League supporters and limits opportunities for other qualified candidates.

“They are protesting against the repressive nature of the state,” said Mubashar Hasan, a Bangladesh expert at the University of Oslo in Norway, as quoted by news agency AFP. “Protesters are questioning Hasina’s leadership, accusing her of clinging onto power by force. The students are in fact calling her a dictator.”

Student protests against the quota system have a history in Bangladesh. The latest wave began after the decision to reinstate the system, which was followed by the Supreme Court suspending the order pending a government appeal. This legal limbo has left many students frustrated, feeling that their demands for a merit-based system are being ignored.

The students’ grievances extend beyond the quota system. High youth unemployment and a stagnant economy have all contributed to a sense of frustration and despair. Public sector jobs, with their regular wages and benefits, are highly coveted in a country where economic opportunities are limited.
 

Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina
| Photo Credit: Reuters

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government on July 19 announced a nationwide curfew across Bangladesh and ordered the deployment of military forces to maintain order following days of deadly clashes over the allocation of government jobs.

The announcement was made by Obaidul Quader, the general secretary of the ruling Awami League party, and came after police and security officials fired on protesters on Friday and banned all gatherings in the capital. Several people were killed, media reports said.

Mr. Quader said the military was deployed to help the civilian administration keep order.