A file image of the Bangladesh Parliament, in Dhaka, Bangladesh.
| Photo Credit: PTI

A significant contest will take place in Dhaka-8 where BNP’s strongman Mirza Abbas is being challenged by National Citizen Party’s Nasiruddin Patowary.

Leading prime ministerial hopeful Tarique Rahman, 60, is confident his Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) can regain power, but he faces a stiff challenge from the Muslim-majority country’s largest Islamist party, Jamaat-e-Islami.

A total of 1,755 candidates from 50 political parties and 273 independents are contesting the election. The BNP has fielded the highest number of 291 candidates. There are 83 female candidates.

Dhaka-8 is the seat where young Islamist Sharif Osman Hadi was planning to contest before he was shot and killed in December. Mr. Patowary’s challenge is significant as he is being supported by the 11-party alliance led by Jamaat-e-Islami. 

Jamaat chief Shafiqur Rahman, 67, has mounted a disciplined grassroots campaign, and, if victorious, the former political prisoner could lead the first Islamist-led government in constitutionally secular Bangladesh.

Bangladesh’s previous election was in January 2024 when the chief opposition BNP boycotted. Sheikh Hasina of Awami League formed government after the election but was overthrown in a public uprising in July-August 2024. 

Awami League of Sheikh Hasina is not contesting the polls as it remains banned but the party’s stronghold Gopalganj was rocked by violence overnight with at least ten cocktail explosives were hurled as multiple groups clashed. Both BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami have accused Awami League of rigging the previous three elections of Bangladesh in 2024, 2018 and in 2014. 

Bangladesh completed polling for the general election and referendum for constitutional changes on Thursday (February 12, 2026). Polling started in 36,031 election centres at 7.30 a.m. and ended at 4:30 p.m. with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) accusing Jamaat-e-Islami, leader of an 11-party alliance, of intimidating voters in various locations. In total, 2,028 candidates are in the fray for the election that will pave the way for handover of power from the interim government to an elected administration.

Bangladesh election: Follow LIVE updates on February 12, 2026

Soon after the polling process, party symbols-bearing white ballot papers of the parliamentary election and pink ballots containing ‘Yes’ and ‘No’ votes for the referendum on ‘July Charter’ were being collected to be counted overnight. Credible early trends of the results are expected to trickle in by early morning of Friday (February 13, 2026), party sources said.

“The spontaneous participation of voters, the responsible conduct of political parties, the restraint shown by candidates, and the professionalism of all institutions involved in the electoral process collectively demonstrated that our commitment to democracy remains unwavering,” said Muhammad Yunus, Chief Adviser to the Interim Government, in a statement after the voting concluded. 

The election was preceded by allegations of voter influence that were levelled by the BNP against Jamaat after a leader of the Islamist party was caught in Saidpur airport in north Bangladesh with 74 lakhs taka on Wednesday. The BNP alleged that several other similar incidents had also come to light.

However Jamaat denied the allegation and said the incident was “stage managed” by security agencies. Both the BNP and Jamaat sent delegations to the Election Commission late Wednesday night to place their versions regarding the case before officials. Several incidents of violence, intimidation and voter influencing were reported from different parts of the country during the polling.

The BNP Election Steering Committee alleged that, in Khulna, Mohibuzzaman Kachi, a leader of the metropolitan BNP sustained injuries in a scuffle with Jamaat workers after he reportedly “opposed manipulating votes” inside the centre. The BNP steering committee’s spokesperson Mahdi Amin said “stronger and more comprehensive action could have prevented these incidents more effectively.”

Among top leaders, Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir of the BNP voted at Thakurgaon in north Bangladesh. Party chairman Tarique Rahman is contesting from Dhaka 17 in Gulshan neighbourhood of the capital, Jamaat leader Shafiqur Rahman is contesting in Dhaka-15 in Mirpur locality. National Citizen Party’s Nahid Islam, who is being supported by the Jamaat-led 11-party alliance, is contesting from Dhaka – 11 constituency.

An important contest is taking place in Dhaka-8 where the BNP’s strongman Mirza Abbas is being challenged by the NCP’s Nasiruddin Patowary. Dhaka-8 is the seat where young Islamist Sharif Osman Hadi of Inquilab Mancho was planning to contest before he was shot dead in December 2025. Mr. Patowary’s challenge is significant as he is being supported by the 11-party alliance. During the polling, Mr. Patowary had alleged that the supporters of Mr. Abbas had tried to intimidate him. Independent candidate Rumin Farhana in Brahmanbaria, and anti-Hasina uprising student leader Hasnat Abdullah from Comilla-4 are among the star high profile candidates.

This election has witnessed participation of 51 political parties, including Jatiyo Party that was an ally of deposed Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Ms. Hasina’s Awami League remains banned and was not in the field for the first time in Bangladesh’s history. According to the Election Commission, till 2 PM, poll percentage was around 47.91% with expectation of greater footfall during the closing minutes of the poll.

While brisk polling was witnessed in most parts of Bangladesh in the morning as well as in the concluding hours, low voting was reported from the Awami League’s strongholds of Madaripur, Shariatpur, Faridpur, Gopalganj, Bagerhat, Thakurgaon, Jamalpur and multiple seats of Mymensingh district. In a statement sent to the media, Ms. Hasina, who is based in India, said “workers of the Awami League, and well-wishers and minority religious communities of Bangladesh were being intimidated over the past several days.”

The Ministry of External Affairs in New Delhi reiterated its position on the need for a “free, fair, inclusive and credible election in Bangladesh”. Official Spokesperson of the MEA Randhir Jaiswal said the interim government of Bangladesh had invited India to send observers. “We have not sent our observers to Bangladesh.”

The election was part of the mandate given to the interim government led by Mr. Yunus that had taken charge after the overthrow of the Hasina government in August 2024. Though it was expected that the election would be held within a few months, the entire process was postponed as Bangladesh dealt with administrative uncertainty and a series of reforms.

On the first anniversary of the fall of Ms. Hasina’s government, Mr. Yunus announced that the general election would be held ahead of Ramzan in the first fortnight of February 2026. This announcement was followed by the launch of the ‘July Charter’, a set of principles that were adopted by the interim government in consultation with various political parties that envisages crucial changes to the existing constitution of Bangladesh. Mr. Yunus has announced that the interim government will hand over power ‘soon’ after the election result is announced and the incoming government will have the responsibility of implementing the changes in the constitution as mentioned in the July Charter.

Bangladesh Elections Vox Pop

Bangladesh Elections Vox Pop
| Video Credit:
The Hindu

Published – February 12, 2026 10:52 pm IST

Voters stand in the queue at a polling station on the day of the 13th general election in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on February 12, 2026.
| Photo Credit: Reuters

The region has seen three uprisings in recent years — Sri Lanka in 2022, Bangladesh in 2024, and Nepal last year. When you look back, what was most striking? 

The most obvious take away was the depth of discontent that has existed in all of these countries. While some say it is all social media — social media certainly played a significant role — it is the economic drivers that we must pay more attention to.  

In Sri Lanka you had an outright economic crisis that was in many ways more than the political discontent. It was economic desperation that was driving so many people out onto the streets. In Bangladesh, the focus was on the authoritarianism and the brutality of the Sheikh Hasina regime. But if you remember in the lead up to these uprisings in both Bangladesh and Nepal, cost of living was a big question that kept coming up. 

The fixation on politics in the near-term is because it is easier to make sense of, especially when there is an election. The economic dynamics evolve over a longer term. The frustration with corruption was such a universal theme. 

In Sri Lanka, the presidential and general elections were held [after the uprising] and we saw a pretty thorough sweeping out of the old political order and the first real opportunity at governance for the JVP [Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna]. I remember conversations back home in Kathmandu, where when [the uprisings in] Sri Lanka and then Bangladesh happened, on a few occasions I heard people saying “we have the same problems, our turn will come too”, and it did, very shockingly and violently. 

Both Bangladesh and Nepal are going to the polls. What does the political landscape look like now? 

With the elections, it is now the consolidation phase. The question is how much of an overhaul are we likely to see. In Bangladesh, was the uprising against the entire old order or much more against the Awami League? The BNP [Bangladesh Nationalist Party] is the front runner, the favourite in the election right now, which is not a complete root-and-stem overhaul of the system. The BNP has its own, very problematic history. The BNP’s record shows many of the same sins that the Awami League was castigated for. 

The big question in Bangladesh now is what is the BNP? With Khaleda Zia’s passing, there is a generational shift and [emerging] dynamics within the party, including over exactly how the new leadership takes shape. So what kind of BNP are we likely to get and what is the BNP now going to stand for? 

There are fears within Bangladesh of a return to some of the old ways. The security apparatus that Hasina inherited and built up remains largely intact. The students-led party [National Citizen Party], born out of the July revolution, has tied up with the Jamaat [Jamaat-e-Islami], which some people saw coming, but a lot of people were surprised and shocked. Women leaders, who were at the forefront of the July revolution, are asking if this party is really going to represent the spirit of what they came out onto the streets for. The Jamaat is making statements that it will not throttle women’s rights. Given its record, that needs to be taken with a big grain of salt. 

What about Nepal? The old actors are still in the fray, isn’t it? 

In Nepal, it is that process of reconsolidation. It is fair to predict that the old parties, the traditional three for us in recent times, the Nepali Congress, the UML [Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist)], and also the Maoists, will take a beating at the polls. 

Even within each of those parties, there has been a process of trying to reinvent themselves, certainly within the UML and the Congress. Voters are trying to understand what kind of party each of them will emerge as. 

The frustration and the memory of the revolt remain very fresh. We have seen some consolidation among the newer political forces. Especially now, the two newer faces of Nepali politics, Rabi Lamichhane and Balen Shah, have come together under a single party structure. That in itself has its own contradictions and clashes, and we will have to wait and see how long it lasts. There is a very good chance that we see a very scattered mandate in Nepal. Compared to Sri Lanka or Bangladesh, Nepal is more unpredictable because of the sheer number of little parties. 

India is avowedly pursuing a ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy. How would you evaluate that? 

A realistic assessment of ‘Neighbourhood First’ from the time the slogan was launched is that it has been little more than a slogan. Whatever efforts there have been out of New Delhi, they have largely failed because overall New Delhi’s relationships and ties with its neighbours are not better than they were back then [2014]. In many cases, they are severely worse. Bangladesh is a stark example. Anti-India sentiment has become an increasing part of the political landscape in the Maldives and in Nepal. 

There is a process underway of the subordination of New Delhi’s regional interests to the domestic needs of the BJP [Bharatiya Janata Party], rather than the bilateral interests or regional interests. For New Delhi, the greater metric of success right now is perhaps whether the complexities of the region can be saffronised in a way that becomes palatable to the domestic audience. The BJP does have a lot of domestic electoral and political gain to harvest from pushing this narrative on Bangladesh, as much as that narrative is deeply injurious to Bangladesh-India ties. 

The amount of damage that does to India’s standing and goodwill towards India cannot be overstated. Indian aid in the wake of the economic crisis or the natural disaster in Sri Lanka, for instance, is enormously to India’s credit. In Nepal, too, we are in India’s debt after the earthquake. And yet you have all these positives in the balance sheet, and you have this massive negative that very often wipes out a lot of the positives. We must also ask where is India trading the most? India’s biggest trade partner in terms of materials being imported is China and yet you have New Delhi coming to Kathmandu or Dhaka and putting pressure on the governments there to throttle trade with China. The hypocrisy of that is noticed and known, and it counts as a massive negative in that balance sheet of bilateral and multilateral regional ties with India.  

Where does that leave regional cooperation? 

Things are in many ways quite bleak politically for any kind of South Asian regionalism. That is not the ultimate goal to pursue. The ultimate goal for each of our countries to pursue independently is the well-being of their own citizens. The logical course of that will lead to and will pass through greater regional integration simply because of the economic logic. With that frame in mind, it is tragic the way that politics is standing in the way of that. For all its regional and global ambitions, India is not taking a hard enough look at the extent to which its domestic politics is poisoning the well regionally and beyond. 

Bangladesh Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus said the impact of the referendum on adopting the principles of the July Charter will influence a generation and called upon voters to come out and vote in favour of the Charter. File
| Photo Credit: Chief Adviser’s Press Wing via ANI

‘Pranto Das Gupta, a 22-year-old from Bangladesh’s minority Hindu community, is preparing to cast his first vote in the upcoming national elections. Living in Dhaka, around 300 km from his ancestral village in Satkania, Chattogram, Mr. Gupta plans to travel home to vote with his family on February 12, as the country heads into its first election since the dramatic fall of Sheikh Hasina in an uprising in August 2024.

For the first-time voter, the lofty promises in party manifestos from trillion-dollar economies to constitutional reform ring hollow against the lived reality of arson, vandalism and intimidation.

“We don’t want clashes. We don’t want promises. All we ask for is safety,” Mr. Gupta said. “People in my village will go to the polling centres and vote for whoever they think can ensure their safety.”

This plea for basic security has emerged as the overwhelming, non-partisan demand of religious minorities, who make up roughly 10% of the population, as campaign rallies intensify and polling day draws closer.

According to a recent report by the Human Rights Support Society (HRSS), at least 56 targeted attacks on minority communities were recorded in the 17 months leading up to the election. These incidents included the desecration of temples, vandalism of homes, and physical assaults, leaving one person dead and 27 injured. Transparency International Bangladesh reported more than 50 such attacks in 2025, while Ain-e-Salish Kendra documented 42 incidents.

The Chief Adviser’s Office, however, has offered a different assessment. It said that of the 645 incidents involving minority community members recorded in 2025, only 71 were communal in nature, while the remaining cases were linked to general criminal activity.

Despite the official reassurances, fear remains pervasive. “Only a few people from our community are involved in politics,” said Raghupati Sen, a trustee of a local ashram in Old Dhaka’s Tikatuli area. “Politicians come asking for votes, but who comes to protect our homes and temples when attacks happen?”

“For us,” he added, “the election is not about who wins. It is about whether we will lose whatever security we still have.”

This election cycle has been especially tense. While clashes between the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami dominate headlines, minorities describe a quieter but persistent anxiety. Major political blocs have made rhetorical overtures; the BNP’s manifesto promises minority protection, while the Jamaat-e-Islami alliance speaks of building a “humane Bangladesh.” Yet critics said that these parties, now locked in fierce rivalry, have also histories where communal rhetoric has been weaponised, and their ground-level activists were often implicated in localised intimidation.

Following the August 2024 uprising, organised mobs targeted Hindu neighbourhoods in several parts of the country. The community has long been perceived as supportive of the Awami League, which projected itself as secular but faced criticism for failing to prevent attacks on minorities during its tenure. The Awami League has been barred from contesting this election, yet minority voters say their participation remains important. This correspondent spoke to more than a dozen voters from minority communities, all of whom said they intended to vote.

“Minorities have always been victims of violence in Bangladesh,” said Abhi Chowdhury Partho, a college teacher in Dhaka. “Even during Sheikh Hasina’s rule, we saw attacks during festivals. Fear did not disappear then, and it has not disappeared now.”

He said this persistent insecurity is shaping voting behaviour. In many minority-dominated areas, there is discussion of “strategic voting” choosing candidates perceived as less likely to provoke violence rather than those offering ambitious promises.

The authorities plan to deploy a vast security apparatus, with nearly 9 lac personnel, including more than 1 lac members of the armed forces, guarding polling centres between February 8 and 14. But Mr. Partho questioned whether protection would extend beyond polling day. “Who will stand guard on February 14, or the week after, if someone wants to retaliate for how we voted?” he asked.

A recent report by the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council (BHBCUC) said communal violence remains ongoing. Based on data collected up to January 27, 2026, the council recorded 42 incidents, including murder, sexual violence, attacks on temples and churches, looting of homes and businesses, and land grabbing.

Monindra Kumar Nath, Acting General Secretary of BHBCUC, said fear continues to dominate minority communities’ psyche as the 13th parliamentary election approaches. “Across the country, religious and ethnic minorities, especially women and young people, are living in constant anxiety,” he said.

Last week, the council placed eight demands before the authorities, urging the Election Commission (EC) to ensure a level playing field and a secure environment so minority voters and candidates can participate without obstruction.

However, Election Commissioner Abdur Rahmanel Masud on February 6 called on members of minority communities to go to polling centres without fear. He said the EC had made full security arrangements for them, and all preparations are in place to hold a free and fair election.

In total, 79 candidates from religious and ethnic minority communities are contesting the election, 67 party nominees and 12 independents. The Communist Party of Bangladesh has fielded the highest number (17), followed by the BNP with six, while Jamaat-e-Islami has nominated a minority candidate for the first time. Ten of the candidates are women.

The number of minority candidates remains unchanged from 2018 and is slightly lower than the 81 recorded in 2024. Hindus make up nearly 8% of Bangladesh’s population, with Christians, Buddhists, and other minorities accounting for smaller shares.

Published – February 07, 2026 09:53 pm IST

Chairman of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Tarique Rahman during an interview with Reuters ahead of the national election, at his Gulshan office, in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on February 6, 2026.
| Photo Credit: Reuters

On January 28, supporters of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jamaat-e-Islami became embroiled in a dispute over front-row seating at a programme in Jhenaigati upazila of Sherpur district, triggering a violent clash. At least 65 people were injured, and a Jamaat upazila secretary was killed. Police and army personnel were present at the scene but were unable to prevent the violence. Similar clashes have been reported across the country as Bangladesh heads towards national elections on February 12, the first since the dramatic ouster of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in August 2024.

The 13th national election, involving nearly 127 million voters, has raised hopes of a peaceful transition from the post-Hasina interim government to an elected administration. But the pre-election violence has posed new challenges to the election process. At least 15 political leaders and activists have been killed in the 36 days since the Election Commission announced the election schedule on December 11, 2025.

For first-time voters like Taimur Mobin, a 22-year-old graduate of a public university in Dhaka, the growing unrest has dampened expectations. “After a mass uprising that promised the restoration of voting rights, this kind of violence is deeply discouraging,” he said. “If it continues, many voters especially elderly people may avoid polling centres.”

Alarming situation

Human rights organisations say the scale of violence is alarming. According to the Human Rights Support Society (HRSS), at least 195 people were killed and 11,229 injured in political violence over the past 17 months. Nearly half of those incidents stemmed from internal conflicts within the BNP and its affiliated bodies, accounting for 121 deaths and 7,131 injuries. Another rights group, Odhikar, reported an even higher toll, stating that 328 people were killed and 9,182 injured in political violence between August 9, 2024, and December 31, 2025.

Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) warned that the risk of violence could extend beyond polling day. “We all hope there will not be a single killing or incident, but we cannot guarantee that,” said TIB executive director Iftekharuzzaman. “Based on past experience, the risk may continue for several days after February 12.”

TIB records show that at least 600 incidents of political violence were reported nationwide between August 2024 and December 2025, resulting in 158 deaths. Mr. Iftekharuzzaman stressed that Bangladesh’s history of violent elections should serve as a warning. “Lessons from previous polls must be used to prevent violence this time,” he said.

As polling day approaches, political parties continue to trade accusations. Jamaat-e-Islami has repeatedly alleged attacks on its women activists by BNP supporters and accused the EC of playing a “passive role.” Islami Andolan Bangladesh, another Islamist party, has claimed that its female campaigners were attacked by Jamaat supporters. Independent candidates have not been spared. On February 5, at least 20 people, including an independent candidate in Chandpur-4 constituency, were injured in an attack allegedly carried out by BNP supporters. The BNP, in turn, has accused Jamaat of exploiting religious sentiment and harassing its female activists.

Vacuum of responsibility

Mr. Shahadat Shadhin, a political analyst and research scholar at South Asian University, said the situation reflects a failure of authority. “Election-related violence is increasing, but I do not see sufficient seriousness from the interim government,” he said. “The Election Commission is constitutionally empowered during elections, yet no visible action has been taken. This vacuum of responsibility is extremely alarming.”

Adding to the volatility, Dhaka is witnessing major protests seemingly unrelated to electoral politics. On Friday (February 6, 2026), government employees staged a sit-in outside Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus’s residence demanding implementation of a new pay scale. Police dispersed the protest using batons, water cannons and sound grenades, injuring dozens. Another platform, Inqilab Moncho, also held demonstrations demanding a UN-supervised investigation into the killing of its spokesperson Osman Hadi.

Meanwhile, Bangladesh Army on Thursday (February 5, 2026) reaffirmed its full preparedness to help conduct the elections and referendum in a “fair, free and peaceful” manner. Its Military Operations Director Brig Gen Dewan Mohammad Monzur Hossain said troops are already conducting extensive field-level activities as part of all-out preparations.

Currently the authorities are deploying a massive security apparatus, planning to send 900,000 personnel, including over 100,000 military members, to guard polling centres from February 8-14. Over half of the country’s 42,761 polling stations have been classified as “risky” and will receive heightened protection. Besides, a total of 544 temporary army camps have been set up in 411 upazilas across 62 districts in the country.

Published – February 06, 2026 06:03 pm IST