The attack came days after Hadi, a prominent leader of the student-led protests last year that led to the ouster of the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government. File.
| Photo Credit: AP

On August 5, 2024, the Sheikh Hasina government, which had ruled Bangladesh with an iron fist for nearly sixteen years, collapsed following the quota reform movement led by students and political parties. Over the course of the July-August uprising, a few incidents stand out.

First, is the role of the private universities, which had largely stayed away from political movements till then. Second, is the part played by the ‘study circles’, formed three years before the collapse of the government to escape government surveillance. Third, is the prominence of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) and its student cadres. Fourth is the disappearance of the Bangladesh Chhatra League — the student wing of Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League (AL) — a day prior to the students’ march to Dhaka.

Historically, students have been at the forefront of various political movements in Bangladesh. Be it the language movement that saw the students of the Dhaka University (DU) demand the recognition of Bangla as the national language, or the students handing over the flag of the independent Bangladesh to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman prior to the Liberation War of 1971, or the anti-Ershad movement of the 1990s, or the latest July revolution of 2024, students have played an important role in shaping the politics of the country.

More than students’ causes

A remarkable factor of these protests has been the students’ capacity to transform their causes into broad-based movements. In the 2024 July -August uprising that ultimately overthrew Ms. Hasina, not only the teachers, but the parents of the students too became part of the movement. “It was impossible to keep the children at home. As they moved to the streets, the parents joined them,” a witness said. What began as a students’ movement effectively became a Chhatro-Janata (student-people) movement eventually.

The 2024 protests also saw political actors and cadres play a significant role, organising and implementing the agenda of the students. This was evident from the fact that the students, who wanted a reversal of the quota system, were unwilling to renounce their protests even after the Supreme Court scrapped the High Court decision. It is likely that the Opposition political parties, which had a vested interest in removing Ms. Hasina, took the centrestage, effectively transforming the objectives of the original movement that focused on quota reforms.

Also, Ms. Hasina’s government, that had conducted three flawed elections, lost touch with the ground. The dissatisfaction and discontent among the people were apparent as corruption had seeped into the system. Ruthless repression was unleashed by a politicised law-and-order machinery that saw its interests entrenched with the survival of the government.

The Hasina government’s labelling of the students as razakars (a name used to refer to those who collaborated with the Pakistan Army in 1971) not only incensed them but also showed the government’s efforts at delegitimising the protesters’ demands. The students, however, turned the slogan to their advantage and made it a ‘counter-hegemonic’ line, managing to hijack the narrative-building from the hands of the government.

Affluent students from private universities in Dhaka, who had earlier remained aloof during the quota reform movement, also joined the protests, changing the character of the movement. The protests were, as Bangladeshi academic Navine Murshid described, “organised mobilisations against the repressive state apparatus”.

Organising the movement

Several study circles or Patho chakros were established by the students prior to the July upheaval to discuss the political, ideological and social issues confronting Bangladesh. These small groups included intellectuals with whom students could discuss issues that affected Bangladesh politics and share their thoughts on the way forward. One such group was also linked to author and Awami League critic Farhad Mazhar, whose ideas on revolution, especially his book Gono-Obhyuthan O Gothon: Bangladeshe Gonorajnoitik Dharar Bikash Proshongo, were discussed by the students.

The formation of these groups was important given the political context. There had been no avenues for students to conduct their activities, share their thoughts or openly criticise the government, due to the draconian Digital Security Act, and a pervasive culture of fear.

Groups such as the Bodhi Chakra, the Bhabo Boithak and the Gurubar Adda etc. came into being as discussion forums for politics. These forums created unity among the students, breaching ideological barriers. As Sohul Ahmed, a Dhaka-based political analyst said, “the Shahbag group and the Shapla Chattor group, who stood at the extreme ends of two ideologies, came together in these study circles by bridging the political distance that existed between them since 2013”. The students, without creating a new organisation, took help from existing ones to put forward their ideas.

Magazines such as Rashtro Chinta focused on political issues while Purbo Pakho and Ronoppa were cultural journals.

Many artists also joined the protest. Not only did they draw posters but they also sang songs of the protests. Some of the participants included the Samgeet and the Anti-Oppression Artists’ Association, visual artist Debashis Chakraborty, artists Sayan and Mousumi, cartoonists Ahmed Kabir Kishore and Mehedi Haque, rapper Hannan, and the University Teachers Network.

As the anti-quota movement mobilised, the students also tried to bring the Gen Z and the middle class into its fold. The turning point proved to be when the private university students and madrassa students, who have generally refrained from joining protests of the students at public universities, joined the ‘Students Against Discrimination’ movement.

The students who came together to demonstrate against Ms. Hasina included not just the ones belonging to the student-wings of political actors but also the regular students who were concerned about their jobs due to the quota system. Despite lacking ideological coherence, they stood united against the Awami League and the Chhatra League.

Political messaging through graffiti

Not just the posters and placards carried by the students, but the walls of Dhaka too were used for political messaging, as the Hasina government controlled the media and shut down the Internet for eleven days. As the government and the Chhatra League’s repression intensified, the students, who had mobilised under the name ‘Students Against Discrimination’ (SAD), gave a call for online and offline graffiti on July 18. Ms. Murshid mentions that the Chika Mara (a form of graffiti made popular during the Language Movement of 1952 and the Liberation War of 1971) wall writings, which were deemed ‘vulgar’, were ‘replaced by endless walls of art’. She describes how this wall art now featured detailed Islamic calligraphy since the fall of Ms. Hasina. “What was called graffiti had become politicised in a different way: co-opted to demonstrate the ideals of a “new Bangladesh” after the “revolution” and repurposed to create a certain narrative. It was less about religious messaging and more of an expression of anger conveyed in a beautiful way.

No one knows why they were erased or who gave the instructions (though such graffitis have always given way to new ones). There was also a debate on what to be retained and erased from the walls. The use of inappropriate language in political sloganeering was removed as some argued that ‘profanities did not belong in areas where children and elderly parents could read them’.

Some believed that the use of inappropriate language through ‘spray painted scrawls, and the spikes and messiness of the script’ also reflected the ‘chaos, fear and wrath’ felt by protestors persecuted by the law enforcement agencies. A sanitised version of the graffiti that adorned the walls of Dhaka was later printed and presented as the ‘Art of Triumph’ by Chief Adviser and head of the interim government Professor Muhammad Yunus to a visiting delegation.

First martyr

The movement had its first martyr in Abu Sayeed, a student from Rangpur, who symbolised the aspirations of millions looking for a government job. He was shot dead on July 17, 2024. The subsequent killings, which numbered close to 1,000, were mostly the result of police firings, completely transforming the nature of the movement and making it about the removal of Ms. Hasina.

The protests were no longer restricted to the quota reforms spearheaded by students but had shifted to the hands of a larger political class. This made it difficult for the government to divide the students and arrest their leaders. Subjecting them to intelligence interrogation did not help either.

Ms. Hasina had surrounded herself with sycophants and opportunist leaders who could not speak the truth to power. The killings of nearly 1,000 students and youth proved to be the impetus needed to sustain the anti-government movements. Both the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the JeI claimed that their cadres were also among the victims. There were others too, such as policemen, AL workers and minorities who were deemed supporters of the AL. These killings were justified as a reappraisal attack by the administration.

Some of the student leaders who were part of the Awami League’s youth wing, the Chhatra League, came out of their cover and identified themselves as part of the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir — the student-wing of the JeI. In fact, Sarjis Alam, convener of the newly formed student-led National Citizens Party (NCP), who at one point of time had belonged to the Chhatra League, lauded the role of the Chhatra Shibir. This well-conceived policy to use the Awami League and the student organisations as a cover was part of the JeI’s strategy to counter the government repression — something it did in 1972 when the party was banned.

For the past 15 years, the Liberation War and the Awami Leagu’s role in it were capitalised by Sheikh Hasina. According to this narrative, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the sole proprietor of the Liberation War, and the version perpetuated by Ms. Hasina and the Awami League about the Liberation War became the national narrative. Anyone who questioned this was termed anti-liberation force or razakars.

Aftermath of the uprising

The fall of Ms. Hasina’s government on August 5, 2024, witnessed not just violence against minorities perpetuated by those opposed to the Awami League but also a rush to occupy university halls and ferry ghats to ensure a show of strength. In Bangladesh politics, university halls play an important part in the recruitment of party cadres while occupation of ferry ghats ensures political control and extortion of money from ferry operators, which is a significant source of revenue.

This reflected how the more things changed, the more they remained the same. Effectively, the control of halls and ferry ghats had merely shifted from the hands of the Chhatra League to the Chatra Dal — the student-wing of the BNP.

The student-led NCP, which had projected itself as the main stakeholder of the July revolution, demanded a trial of Awami League workers and other high officials involved in the violence of July 2024. It accused the chief of the Army Staff, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, of forcing its members to accept a ‘refined Awami League’ when party leaders and Students Against Discrimination activists Sarjis Alam and Hasnat Abdullah, went to meet him.

The Army subsequently denied this allegation, with student leaders such as Abdul Hannan Masud, senior joint chief coordinator of the NCP, opposed to expressing such views against the Army in public.

Meanwhile, the press wing of the Bangladesh Armed Forces, the Inter Service Public Relations (ISPR), while acknowledging that the Army provided shelter to politicians, judges and police, also said “After the fall of the previous government during the students-and-citizens-led uprising, the overall law and order situation in the country deteriorated significantly due to the activities of certain conspiratorial elements.”

This breakdown in security led to attacks on government offices and police stations, violence against political activists and supporters of the Awami League, arson, mob justice, thefts, and looting. In such a chaotic and volatile environment, many citizens feared for their lives. However, the ISPR later clarified that all these officials left once the situation returned to normal. The NCP has been suspicious of the Army’s links to the Awami League, leading to apprehensions that it may try to rehabilitate the party.

Separately, the lifestyles of some student leaders came under scrutiny, as did their sources of wealth. The misuse of official positions by student leaders also made the headlines. An instance to be cited is the opening of an office by the NCP in Dhaka’s Bangla Motor area and the hosting of an Iftar party at a five-star hotel, raising questions about its source of funding. Mr. Alam’s motorcade, comprising over a hundred vehicles, in his hometown of Panchagarh, also raised questions regarding the expenses of this lavish show.

The NCP has recently suspended Joint Member Secretary Gazi Salauddin Tanvir on corruption charges. Its Joint Convener Sarwar Tushar was also suspended on moral turpitude as the party tries to build a clean image.

After removing Ms. Hasina’s appointees from educational institutions and bureaucracy, the government filled them with the affiliates of the BNP and the JeI.

Demolition of 32 Dhanmondi (the former residence of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman), and attacks against former Ministers and their supporters’ houses across the country set the tone for a “new Bangladesh”, where mob violence became the order of the day. In response, the Yunus government launched ‘Operation Devil Hunt’ on February 8, 2025, to address the lawlessness, especially after students and civilians were allegedly attacked by ‘Awami League miscreants’ in Gazipur a day before. Yet, at the same time, mob violence has been justified as ‘expression of anger’.

The post-uprising period also witnessed a systematic dismantling of anything associated with the Liberation War. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s statue was taken down, and his house was set on fire with some even dancing in front of it, which at one point in time, was a political symbol. The house was dismantled when a call for a ‘bulldozer march’ was made on social media with the government quietly presiding over the process.

Some even demanded the dropping of the national anthem to do away with Bangladesh’s historical legacy. The final erasure of the Liberation War came when the Awami League was banned following demands by the NCP. Not surprisingly, the Hefazat-e-Islam, an Islamist party, had also joined hands with the NCP to call for this demand.

Meanwhile, several protests have broken out against the Yunus government since it came to power on August 8, 2024. While garment workers demanded an increase in wages, secretariat employees went on strike in May 2025 after Mr. Yunus announced a law that enabled the dismissal of public servants for misconduct before due process, which was perceived as an arbitrary move. More recently, schoolteachers protested seeking a salary hike. Separately, there have been frequent protests by political parties too.

Post ‘revolution’: new politics?

The student leaders who would go on to become part of the newly formed government played an influential role initially. While political reforms were their stated objective, within a few months, it became apparent that the students wanted to form their own party.

The Awami League government was massively corrupt and ruthless; but anyone familiar with the functioning of political parties in Bangladesh would be aware that the party leadership reigns supreme and hence the Awami League alone cannot be blamed for Ms. Hasina’s misgovernance. It is also likely that the banning of the Awami League would open up space for both the NCP and the Islamists while the BNP remains a strong contender for power.

The JeI, which has justified its role in the Liberation War of 1971, wants to create a new narrative. The party’s Ameer, Dr. Shafiqur Rahman, said soon after the July-August uprising that Bangladesh has given birth to brave children and has achieved a second liberation. This second liberation would be preserved with blood.

The Khaleda Zia-led BNP, which had earlier not supported the ban on the Awami League, interestingly warmed up to the idea. It also accused the NCP of being the ‘Kings’ Party’ and claimed it received patronage from the interim government. It alleged that the NCP was setting up the Yunus government’s agenda along with the Islamists; a point exemplified by the fact that the NCP was joined by the Hefazat, the JeI and its student front, the Chhatra Shibir, and the Amar Bangladesh Party, in its demand seeking a ban on the Awami League.

Division within the students

Following its launch on February 28, 2025, the NCP included in its fold students from various political factions who played a crucial role during the student movement. For example, NCP chief coordinator Nasiruddin Patwari had previously served as the assistant secretary for information and research affairs of the Amar Bangladesh Party (AB Party), which had broken away from the JeI earlier. NCP Member Secretary Akhtar Hossain was the convener of the Ganatantrik Chhatra Shakti and a former social welfare secretary of DUCSU.

While the Chhatra Shibir played an important role, the party was not included in the NCP due to differences in opinion regarding its role within the NCP. Former Shibir activists on the platform wanted Ali Ahsan Zonaed, former president of the Shibir’s Dhaka University unit and member of the Nagorik Committee’s executive body, as the second-in-command of the new party.

The Shibir’s demand for an important position in the NCP was based on its role in the protests. Abdul Shadik Kayem, who belonged to the DU unit of the Chhatra Shibir, said the Shibir worked with various student factions. He said, “I was also in touch with S.M. Farhad (Chhatra Shibir’s Dhaka University secretary) and Mahfuz

Alam (present adviser in the interim regime). They, in turn, were talking to Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud. It was on July 3, 2024, that the Executive Council of the Chhatra Shibir met, and a decision was made for the party to support the movement. Without the Shibir’s support, organising the protests would have been difficult.”

After Ms. Hasina’s ouster, student-wings of the JeI and the BNP were at loggerheads. Both the Chhatra Shibir and the Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatrodal (the BNP’s student-wing) wanted to dominate the campus, creating a problem for the student leaders who had organised the protests under the banner of the ‘Students Against Discrimination’.

It was only in October 2024 that the Chhatra Shibir decided to participate in politics actively as they formed a committee in Dhaka University. Earlier on August 13, 2024, the Chhatra Shibir participated in a meeting of 35 other student organisations. The Shibir Public Relations officer had said, “Everyone on campus knew those who were on the committee in 2014 and 2018. The Shibir could not officially announce the committee during Sheikh Hasina’s regime”. In 1990, an organisation named Paribesh Parishad, representing all active student organisations of the Dhaka University, had passed a resolution to not allow the Chhatra Shibir from carrying out political activities at the varsity. Despite such stipulations, the Shibir remained active.

Another group that was excluded from the NCP were leaders from private universities, who played a significant role in the student movement. While announcing its 50-member advisory Council on August 14, 2025, the party did not include any students from private universities.

There was also a debate on whether the NCP should include in the council former Shibir cadres whose parent party, the JeI, was opposed to the Bangladesh Liberation War. The Shibir’s role in the student movement was recognised by Sarjis Alam of the NCP. Speaking at a Chhatra Shibir rally at the Suhrawardy Udyan in December 2024, Mr. Alam said, “We found Islami Chhatra Shibir to be our allies in 2024. They supported us both directly and indirectly by being present on the streets, offering advice, and playing the role of allies at crucial stages.”

Former Shibir activists who were part of the Students Against Discrimination movement, later formed an NCP Committee and pressed for the inclusion of Ali Ahsan Zonaed and Rafe Salman Rifat, former presidents of the Shibir’s Dhaka University unit. But this was not accepted. These members then decided to form the United Peoples Bangladesh as a new political organisation including the members who participated in the July revolution.

Reforms is one of the areas where there has been no consensus among different stakeholders. After enforcing a ban on the Awami League, the students want to do away with the 1972 Constitution which they have termed as a ‘Mujibbadi Constitution’. They insist on a referendum on the July Charter and a new Constitution. The NCP has called for the implementation of reforms before the election. Nahid Islam, convener of the NCP, have of late become critical of the advisers and have said that most of them are aligned with political parties and are looking for a safe exit once the election is over. It appears that Bangladesh politics has come a full circle as anti-terrorism law is used for arbitrary arrests to silence dissent, and mob violence is condoned as ‘acts by pressure groups’ and ‘outburst of public anger’. Interestingly, the NCP, along with four left political parties have refused to sign the ‘July Charter’ that recommends state reforms, while Mr. Yunus described the Charter as a harbinger of ‘New Bangladesh’. Meanwhile, 24 other political parties have signed the Charter. While the students played a significant role in the uprising, it may not be easy to turn their success into political capital and win elections. Nevertheless, the student uprising will remain an important historic milestone in Bangladesh’s political journey.

Smruti S. Pattanaik is a Research Fellow (SS) at Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses

New Delhi:

India on Friday announced that Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri will travel to Bangladesh on Monday, a visit that comes amid increasing strain in ties between New Delhi and Dhaka over attacks on minorities, including Hindus, in the neighbouring country.

It will be the first high-level visit from New Delhi to Dhaka after deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina fled Bangladesh and took shelter in India following massive anti-government protests.

Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) Spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said Mr Misri will travel to Bangladesh to attend a meeting under the framework of Foreign Office Consultations.

In Dhaka, the foreign secretary will hold talks with his Bangladeshi counterpart, besides holding several other meetings, he said.

“The foreign secretary is scheduled to visit Bangladesh for Foreign Office Consultations on December 9. This is part of our structured interactions with the Bangladesh side,” Mr Jaiswal said.

Mr Jaiswal was responding to a question at his weekly media briefing.

On the arrest of Hindu monk Chinmoy Krishna Das in Bangladesh, the MEA spokesperson said India expects a fair, just and transparent legal process in the case.

“We have spoken on this issue earlier. We would like to reiterate our expectation that relevant legal processes underway in Bangladesh are executed in a fair, just and transparent manner, ensuring full respect for the legal rights of concerned individuals,” he said.

The relations between India and Bangladesh came under strain after the interim government headed by Muhammad Yunus came to power in the neighbouring country. The relations deteriorated further in recent weeks over attacks on Hindus and the arrest of Chinmoy Das.

The attacks triggered protests in India. The Bangladesh foreign ministry summoned the Indian envoy recently and lodged a protest over the storming of the Bangladeshi mission in Agartala by a group of protesters.

India last week said the interim government in Bangladesh must live up to its responsibility of protecting all minorities as it expressed serious concern over the “surge” of extremist rhetoric and increasing incidents of violence against Hindus.

India had also hoped that the case relating to Chinmoy Das, arrested on the charge of sedition, will be dealt with in a just and fair manner.

Chinmoy Das was arrested at Dhaka’s Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport last month in connection with a sedition case.
 

London:

An ‘urgent’ issue was tabled today in the House of Commons in UK’s parliament over the worrisome situation in Bangladesh. Members of Parliament raised concern over the recent attacks on the Hindu minority in the south Asian nation and also discussed the religious crackdown on Hindu monks by the interim government in the country.

Labour Party MP Barry Gardiner, had on Monday, asked for an urgent session in the British parliament to discuss the situation in Bangladesh which London has been monitoring closely.

Informing the House about initiatives taken by Britain so far, the foreign office in-charge for the Indo-Pacific region, Catherine West said she had visited Bangladesh last month and held meetings with the leadership of the interim government in the country. She said that UK was among the first countries to take up the issue with Dhaka and was given verbal assurances by Bangladesh’s chief adviser Mohamed Yunus.

Ms West also mentioned concerns raised by New Delhi over the happenings in Bangladesh. “We are aware of the statement of concern from the Indian government following the arrest of Chinmoy Krishna Das, a well-known Hindu leader, on sedition charges. The UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) desk is closely monitoring those developments,” said Ms West.

She went on to say that “The UK government will continue to monitor the situation, including making representations from this House, and will engage with the interim government in Bangladesh on the importance of freedom of religion or belief specifically as it affects the Hindu community.”

Conservative MP Priti Patel, who is the Shadow Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs called the situation in Bangladesh “deeply, deeply concerning”.

Referring to the surge in incidents of violence, vandalism, and desecration targeting Hindu minorities, Ms Patel said, “The degree of escalation in violence is deeply concerning. What we are witnessing now is uncontrolled violence in many quarters. We are watching with horror and shock as further violence spreads in Bangladesh. The thoughts of all of us in the House are with the diaspora community here and those affected in Bangladesh. These are deeply disturbing reports.”

I am deeply concerned by the awful violence we have seen in Bangladesh, and my thoughts are with those affected.

In Parliament this afternoon, I called on the Government to set out how they are engaging with the Bangladeshi Government on this pressing and important issue.… pic.twitter.com/jRXciBQIKH

— Priti Patel MP (@pritipatel) December 2, 2024

She went on to ask the British government to delve into what is being done about the release of Hindu priest Chinmoy Krishna Das, who has been arrested in Bangladesh. “We have a religions
leader who has now been arrested. We need to know effectively what is being done to secure his release, due process in particular. But at the same time, can the Minister give details of the government’s engagement with Bangladesh on this particular matter. What discussions have taken place so far, and have we been robust in pursuing the right to protect life, the prevention of violence, and persecution, and importantly, tolerance for religious belief.”

Barry Gardiner, MP for Brent West in London, which has a large British Hindu population, described the situation as being “clearly on a knife edge”.

Another MP, Bob Blackman, who is the chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group for British Hindus, said “Hindus are suffering with their houses being burned and their businesses ransacked. Priests have been arrested, and I understand that two more were arrested over the weekend, and 63 monks have been denied access to the country. The clear issue is an attempt at the ethnic cleansing of Hindus from Bangladesh. We want to hear not just words of piety, but absolute condemnation of what is going on. Religious minorities are being deliberately persecuted because of their religion.”

Since Sheikh Hasina was forced to step down as prime minister, the new military-backed interim administration, led by Nobel laureate Mohammed Yunus, has faced criticism for failing to control violence against minorities. This includes instances of vandalism and desecration at temples, damage of Hindu businesses and properties, and homes of Hindus being attacked.
 

New Delhi:

As incidents of violence and vandalism against the minority Hindu community see a sharp upturn in Bangladesh, questions were asked in the Parliament of India out of concern for human rights violations.

Some of the questions included whether there has been an increase in the incidents of desecration and damages to Hindu temples and deities in Bangladesh, and if the Government of India has “taken up the issue” with the interim government in Bangladesh. Answers were sought over the response of the Bangladesh government and the efforts made by Dhaka to stop such incidents.

Acknowledging the attacks on Bangladesh’s Hindu minority, the junior minister of external affairs told parliamentarians that “Several incidents of desecration and damages to Hindu temples and deities in Bangladesh have been reported in the past few months. The Government of India has expressed its concerns about such incidents, including the attack on a Puja mandap in Tantibazar, Dhaka and the theft at the Jeshoreshwari Kali temple at Satkhira during Durga Puja 2024. The Government has also called upon the Government of Bangladesh to ensure the safety and security of Hindus and all minorities and their places of worship.”

In a response to questions by MPs, The Minister of State for External Affairs, Kirti Vardhan Singh told Members of Parliament that “The primary responsibility for the protection of life and liberty of all citizens of Bangladesh, including minorities, rests with the Government of Bangladesh.”

THE THEFT AT JESHORESHWARI KALI TEMPLE

In early October, the crown of goddess Kali had been stolen from the Jeshoreshwari temple in Satkhira’s Shyamnagar. This crown was gifted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his visit to the temple in March, 2021.

The theft happened in broad daylight – between 2.00 pm and 2.30 pm – after temple priest Dilip Mukherjee left following the day’s worship. The cleaning staff later found that the crown was missing from the deity’s head.

The stolen crown, made of silver and gold-plated, holds significant cultural and religious importance. According to Hindu scriptures, the Jeshoreshwari Temple is one of the 51 Shakti Peeths scattered across India (and now neighboring countries). The name “Jeshoreshwari” means “Goddess of Jeshore.”

Image used for representative purpose only
| Photo Credit: The Hindu

Bangladesh’s vital garment industry lost $400 million due to unrest following the student-led revolution that ousted the country’s autocratic premier, industry leaders said Sunday, insisting the situation was now “stable”.

The South Asian nation’s 3,500 garment factories account for around 85% of its $55 billion in annual exports, but the unrest caused significant disruptions to the linchpin industry.

After months of deadly protests, ex-leader Sheikh Hasina fled by helicopter to India on August 5.

An interim government, led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Muhammad Yunus took over, but protests in a string of garment factories continued with workers demanding jobs and better pay.

Such demonstrations sometimes spiralled into violence. On September 30, a garment worker was killed and 20 were injured in clashes between protesters and the police.

Kalpana Akhtar, president of the Bangladesh Garments and Industrial Workers Federation, said Sunday that there had to be “a drastic change in the attitude” of factory owners and the government.

“The discussion about pay raises only takes place when the workers take to the streets”, Akhtar told AFP.

She said changes were needed “to ensure stability in this sector”, warning that “otherwise, the calm situation might not last.”

Bangladesh is the world’s second-biggest exporter of clothing by value after China and supplies many of the world’s top brands, including Levi’s, Zara and H&M.

Khandaker Rafiqul Islam, president of the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association, said that the “industry is currently stable after going through a challenging period”.

Islam, speaking to reporters on Saturday, estimated losses since August to total around $400 million, and said security forces needed to continue protecting the industry.

“The army formed a task force to protect the factories, and they are conducting regular patrols to ensure security at the garment hubs”, Islam said.

“The buyers have regained their trust in Bangladeshi apparel, but uninterrupted law and order is essential to maintain stability”.

File picture of Muhammad Yunus, Chief Adviser of Bangladesh
| Photo Credit: Reuters

Bangladesh’s interim leader has refused to give a time frame for elections following the ouster of his predecessor, saying in an interview published Tuesday (October 8, 2024) that reforms are needed before polls.

Nobel Peace Prize winner Muhammad Yunus was appointed the country’s “chief advisor” after the student-led uprising that toppled ex-premier Sheikh Hasina in August.

The 84-year-old microfinance pioneer is helming a temporary administration, to tackle what he has called the “extremely tough” challenge of restoring democratic institutions.

“None of us are aiming at staying for a prolonged time,” Mr. Yunus said of his caretaker government, in an interview published by the Prothom Alo newspaper.

“Reforms are pivotal,” he added. “If you say, hold the election, we are ready to hold the election. But it would be wrong to hold the election first.”

Ms. Hasina’s 15-year rule saw widespread human rights abuses, including the mass detention and extrajudicial killings of her political opponents.

More than 600 people were killed in the weeks leading up to her ouster, according to a preliminary United Nations report which said the figure was likely an underestimate.

Her government was also accused of politicising courts and the civil service, as well as staging lopsided elections, to dismantle democratic checks on its power.

Mr. Yunus said he had inherited a “completely broken down” system of public administration that needed a comprehensive overhaul to prevent a future return to autocracy.

“Reforms mean we will not allow a repetition of what happened in the past”, he added.

‘Write as you please’

Mr. Yunus also batted away criticism at the numerous politicians, senior police officers and other Ms. Hasina loyalists arrested on murder charges after her government’s ouster.

The arrests have prompted accusations that Mr. Yunus’ caretaker government would hold politicised trials of senior figures from Ms. Hasina’s regime.

But Mr. Yunus said it was his intention that any criminal trials initiated against those arrested would remain free from government interference.

“Once the judicial system is reformed, then the issues will come forward, about who will be placed on trial, how justice will be carried out,” he said.

At least 25 journalists — considered by Ms. Hasina’s opponents to be partisans of her government — have been arrested for alleged violence against protesters since her downfall.

Press watchdog Reporters Without Borders has condemned those arrests as “systematic judicial harassment”.

But Mr. Yunus insisted he wanted media freedom.

“Write as you please,” he told the newspaper. “Criticise. Unless you write, how will we know what is happening or not happening?”

Sheikh Hasina. File
| Photo Credit: Reuters

“A fresh case has been filed against Bangladesh’s ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and 58 others on the charges of attempting to murder a student during the violent clashes that led to the fall of her government last month,” a media report said on Sunday (September 15, 2024).

It was the latest in the slew of cases filed against the 76-year-old former premier, who resigned and fled to India on August 5 following a massive protest by students against a controversial quota system in government jobs.

Sheikh Hasina faces 33 cases, including murder, after ouster from Bangladesh

The case was filed on Friday by 22-year-old Fahim Faisal, who claimed he was shot and injured during an anti-government protest in Dinajpur on August 4, a day before the fall of the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government, The Daily Star newspaper reported.

“With this, the tally of cases against Ms. Hasina has reached 155, including 136 for murder, seven for crimes against humanity and genocide, three for abduction, eight for attempted murder and one for the attack on a Bangladesh Nationalist Party procession,” the report said.

According to the case statement, protesters were assaulted with firearms and local weapons, resulting in multiple injuries to Faisal, who was treated at Dinajpur Medical College Hospital and recovered partially.

A month since Sheikh Hasina was forced out, Dhaka’s new rulers ask for ‘patience’

The case accuses 59 people, including Ms. Hasina, former whip Iqbalur Rahim and Dinajpur Sadar Upazila Chairman Imdad Sarkar.

More than 230 people were killed in the incidents of violence that erupted across the country following the fall of the Hasina-led government, taking the death toll to more than 600 since the massive protest by students first started in mid-July.

Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. File
| Photo Credit: AFP

The chief prosecutor of Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) has announced plans to seek the extradition of ousted leader Sheikh Hasina from neighbouring India. “As the main perpetrator has fled the country, we will start the legal procedure to bring her back,” Mohammad Tajul Islam told reporters on September 8, 2024. The tribunal was established in 2010 by the former Bangladesh Prime Minister to investigate crimes committed during the 1971 independence war from Pakistan.

Ms. Hasina sought refuge in India in early August after a mass uprising compelled her to step down. Since her departure, numerous criminal cases have been lodged against her and her aides, encompassing charges of murder, torture, abduction, crimes against humanity, and genocide. The new interim government in Dhaka has already revoked Ms. Hasina’s diplomatic passport. Additionally, India and Bangladesh have a bilateral extradition treaty in place that could allow for her return to face trial.

What does the extradition treaty say?

Under the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act of 1973, Bangladeshi courts can proceed with criminal trials even in Ms. Hasina’s absence. However, this is bound to raise raises concerns about the fairness of the proceedings, and adherence to due process, while also complicating the enforcement of judicial orders. Therefore, the extradition of the former Prime Minister is considered crucial.

In 2013, India and Bangladesh executed an extradition treaty as a strategic measure to address insurgency and terrorism along their shared borders. It was subsequently amended in 2016 to ease the process of exchange of fugitives wanted by both nations. The treaty has facilitated the transfer of several notable political prisoners. For instance, in 2020, two convicts involved in the 1975 assassination of Ms. Hasina’s father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, were extradited to Bangladesh for execution. Similarly, India successfully secured the extradition of Anup Chetia, the general secretary of the banned United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), who had spent 18 years imprisoned in Dhaka.

The treaty mandates the extradition of individuals charged with or convicted of crimes that warrant a minimum sentence of one year’s imprisonment. A key requirement for extradition is the principle of dual criminality, meaning that the offence must be punishable in both countries. Since the charges against Ms. Hasina are prosecutable in India, and the penalties for her alleged crimes are also substantial, she qualifies for extradition on these grounds. Additionally, the treaty encompasses within its ambit attempts to commit, as well as aiding, abetting, inciting, or acting as an accomplice in such crimes.

Notably, the 2016 amendment to the treaty substantially lowered the threshold for extradition by removing the requirement to furnish concrete evidence against the offender. Under Article 10 of the treaty, only an arrest warrant issued by a competent court in the requesting country is now sufficient to initiate the extradition process.

Can extradition be refused?

Article 6 of the treaty stipulates that extradition may be refused if the offence is of a “political nature”. However, there are stringent limitations on this particular exemption. A host of offences such as murder, terrorism-related crimes, and kidnapping, are explicitly excluded from being classified as political. Given that several of the charges against Ms. Hasina — such as murder, enforced disappearance, and torture — fall outside the scope of this exemption, it is unlikely that India will be able to justify these accusations as political transgressions to deny extradition.

Another basis for refusal is outlined in Article 8, which permits denial of a request if the accusation is not “made in good faith in the interests of justice” or if it involves military offences not considered “an offence under general criminal law.” India could potentially refuse extradition on the ground that the charges against Ms. Hasina have not been levelled in good faith and there is a possibility of her being subjected to political persecution or an unfair trial upon her return to Bangladesh. Such concerns are further exacerbated by recent reports that Ministers from Ms. Hasina’s Cabinet, who have been arrested over recent weeks were physically arrested by bystanders while being transported to court for remand hearings.

What are the potential implications?

Dr. Sreeradha Datta, professor of international relations at O.P. Jindal Global University told The Hindu that the treaty does not guarantee Ms. Hassina’s extradition, as the final decision will hinge more on diplomatic negotiations and political considerations. “Even if India were to decline the extradition request, it would likely serve as a minor political irritant rather and is unlikely to dent bilateral relations, especially in critical areas of cooperation between the two nations,” she said.

Bangladesh is India’s largest trade partner in South Asia, with bilateral trade estimated at $15.9 billion in the fiscal year 2022-23. Before Ms. Hasina’s ouster, both nations were poised to commence dialogue on a comprehensive economic partnership agreement (CEPA) to foster economic ties. Following the regime change in Dhaka, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has spoken with the Chief Adviser of the new interim government, Muhammad Yunus, and pledged continued support for ongoing development projects.

A month ago, a student-led movement ousted Bangladesh’s Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina, after weeks of protests and clashes that killed over 600 people and pushed the country to the brink of chaos.

What began as student protests over government jobs became a large-scale revolt against the country’s longest-serving Prime Minister.

Ms. Hasina, 76, fled to India on August 5 as anger against her government swelled. But the ouster triggered more violence. Police went on strike and mobs rampaged across the country until a new interim government led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus was sworn in.

Yunus Cabinet

Since he was sworn in, Mr. Yunus declared that his key tasks would be to restore peace and law and order, fight corruption, and prepare for new elections.

His Cabinet, which includes two student leaders who spearheaded the protests, has fixed its sights on overhauling and reforming Bangladesh’s institutions, from its courts and police to the Election Commission. To do this, it’s also seeking support from the United Nations Development Program.

Reforms have been a key priority as demonstrations against Ms. Hasina quickly escalated into anger against her increasingly autocratic rule. Her government had jailed Opposition members, curbed independent media and curtailed civil society.

Protesters also accused Ms. Hasina’s Awami League of corruption and said that public institutions, including the Election Commission, had been eroded under her 15-year rule.

What Yunus needs is time.

The 2006 Nobel Peace Prize laureate who pioneered microcredit to help impoverished people, especially women, asked for patience in an address to the nation. He said his Cabinet has worked hard to curb the violence and lawlessness that set in after Ms. Hasina was ousted.

“I request everyone to be patient,” he said. “It is one of our objectives that public institutions regain public trust.”

Unrest persists

Garment workers demanding better wages have forced about 100 factories to shut down and tensions are simmering, with lingering but widespread anger against Ms. Hasina and her Awami League.

Ms. Hasina, now in self-imposed exile, is facing murder charges in more than 100 cases. Key officials perceived as close to her resigned after mass protests.

Many cases have also been registered against those associated with Ms. Hasina, her party or her government — from former Ministers and judges to journalists and even a prominent cricket player. They’ve been attacked, stopped from leaving the country and even jailed. Rights groups have also condemned these lump charges.

Most of the cases are legally weak and politically driven, said Zillur Rahman, executive director of the Center for Governance Studies, a Dhaka-based think tank. This form of “vigilante justice” has sparked fears that “the system that Ms. Hasina perpetuated is still alive, just the victims have changed,” Mr. Rahman said.

Within a week of unseating Ms. Hasina, the students who drove her out were directing traffic in the capital, Dhaka.

Varsities reopened

Some schools and universities have since reopened, including Dhaka University, which became the epicenter for the protests against Ms. Hasina. But things are not back to normal yet.

Many heads of educational institutions have been forced to resign and in some cases, even though classes have formally restarted, few students are attending them.

Still, many students remain optimistic about the interim government’s potential to bring about real change.

Sneha Akter, a student at Dhaka University, said, “By replacing those who were previously in power, we are correcting past mistakes. It is not possible to change the entire country in one month. … We need to give the government some time.”

There are those who say the Yunus-led temporary government should remain in power until meaningful reforms are enacted, “whether that takes three months, three years or even six years,” said Hafizur Rahman, another Dhaka University student.

There is a sense that normalcy is slowly returning — Dhaka’s streets are no longer a battleground. Internet is back on and a nationwide curfew with a shoot-on-sight order has been lifted.

With much of the violence eased, there is hope for a new chapter. Shops, banks, hotels and restaurants are open, and police — who went on strike over fears for their own safety — are back at work.

However, their morale is low.

Another challenge is restoring the economy, which was disrupted by the weeks-long shutdown during the uprising.

Polls uncertain

Some experts say the interim government doesn’t have the mandate to enact major reforms and that it should focus on building consensus among political parties on reforms — and schedule the polls.

Ms. Hasina’s chief opposition — the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, or BNP — is seen as having the greatest chance of winning the polls and has been pushing for the elections to happen soon.