In an era where opening the batting in Test cricket revolved around giving the first hour, if not the first session, to the bowlers, K. Srikkanth was a glorious exception to the accepted rule. High on risk and therefore a little short on consistency, the maverick from Tamil Nadu was unstoppable when in the mood, treating the best fast bowlers in the world with utter disdain.

Mark Greatbatch at the 1992 World Cup, and Sanath Jayasuriya in 1996, are often eulogised for changing the face of opening the batting, but long before these two left-handers left their mark, Srikkanth had made hitting over the top fashionable. With complete and utter disregard for reputations, and with a nonchalance that comes only to the chosen few.

Strategies chalked at team meetings, he was told, need not concern him. First Sunil Gavaskar, and then Kapil Dev, encouraged Srikkanth to be himself, to bat with natural flair and flamboyance. No one expected him to bat like Gavaskar, studied in defence and treating each ball assiduously on its merit because, well, he wouldn’t be Srikkanth then, would he? And so, the right-hander went on a rampage whenever he could.

Not an accurate picture

A Test average of 29.88 from 43 matches, and a 50-over international average of 29.01 spread across 145 innings, do not paint an accurate picture of the potential for mayhem that he possessed. Srikkanth was a lot more than the sum of his six international hundreds and the highest individual tally in a low-scoring final of the 1983 World Cup, because the entertainment he provided and the value he brought with him to the batting crease were beyond parallel in that time and age.

Srikkanth was a pioneer, without question, his brand of batsmanship unique and remarkably enviable in his time in international cricket. The subsequent emergence of a host of destructive openers, among them a certain Sachin Tendulkar who was thrust into the role of an ODI opener almost accidentally in 1994 and who went on to finish with 49 international tons in the 50-over version, is a back-handed compliment to the Srikkanth school of aggression that has gained immense currency in the last two and a quarter decades, from the time the 20-over iteration stormed cricketing consciousness.

Virender Sehwag and Chris Gayle made a name for themselves by beautifully fusing untold havoc with stunning consistency. Both openers, the former converted from a middle-order practitioner, signed off with two Test triple tons apiece – with only the great Don Bradman and Brian Lara for company in that exclusive club of four – to reiterate that aggressive batting need not be at the expense of sustained masterpieces.

Having grown up watching the deeds of these two stalwarts, among others, Abhishek Sharma has now burst forth as a modern-day six-hitting behemoth against whom the margin for error is miniscule and to whom clearing the boundary boards is little more than child’s play.

Abhishek is now 26, still some way short of hitting his peak as a batter. Internationally, he figures in only one format and it is only a matter of time before he is allowed to spread his wings and dot the 50-over landscape too with spectacular edifices. But even in that one limited-overs format, he has showcased a penchant for the bold and the beautiful that is impossible to miss.

Numerous batters who have failed to tickle the scorers in their first international innings have had a stellar career, not least the legendary G.R. Vishwanath, who followed up nought in the first innings of his debut Test against Australia in Kanpur in 1969 with 137 of the best in the second dig. Abhishek’s international career too got off to the most inauspicious of beginnings – he fell for a second-ball duck against Zimbabwe in Harare in July 2024 – but the very next day, he made the world sit up and take notice by smashing a 47-ball century against the same opponents, now thoroughly shell-shocked.

It was evident even at that early stage that this was a special talent that needed to be encouraged rather than fettered, that was best left to its own devices so that he could learn from his mistakes and polish the rough edges instead of being instructed to redefine his high-risk approach. Abhishek took some time in striking the right balance between all-out attack and judiciousness in shot-selection, but once he found the magic formula, he has been an unstoppable force at the highest level.

Abhishek has played 58 T20I innings, which is a fairly reasonable sample size. Despite taking the fight to the bowlers, he has blasted three hundreds and 12 half-centuries. Despite his propensity to hit the ball in the air, he averages 33.17. And because he loves dismantling attacks and bruising egos, he has been able to strike at an extraordinary 194.55, laced with 182 fours and 126 sixes.

Every year since its inception, the Indian Premier League rewards the highest scorer of the season with the Orange Cap. In so many ways, that is incongruous because T20 cricket is seldom about quantum. It is about impact, it’s about the value of the runs made. Given that eight-ball 25s are seen as being more crucial than 35-ball half-centuries, strike-rate would appear to be a logical route to deciding the significance of a batter to his team’s fortunes, but strike-rate alone can’t be the criterion if it rewards only cameos and disregards more meaningful contributions.

Various quarters have advocated using average and strike-rate in tandem to decide the worth of a batter. The former is a marker of consistency, the latter a pointer to explosiveness. In Abhishek’s case, combining the average and the strike-rate in T20Is will give him a whopping total of 227.72. Now, while that is just a number, it is a more accurate reflection of the kind of havoc he can wreak. Abhishek’s latest epic came on Thursday night at the National capital’s Arun Jaitley Stadium. In the last of three T20Is that Afghanistan hosted against India in India last Thursday, Abhishek’s most unforgiving avatar was on full view. In a mere 30 deliveries, he raced to his third T20I century, a good 19 months after his previous ton, against England in Mumbai in February 2025.

The hundred included nine fours and 10 sixes – 96% of his runs came in boundaries – and by the time he was dismissed, he had added one more six in his final score of 108, off a ridiculous 34 balls. It is the fastest T20I hundred against a full-member nation, the fastest ton internationally in the 20-over game by a batter from a full-member country.

Quips that Abhishek defeated the Afghans by 14 runs weren’t just cute. They aptly illustrated the full weight of his dominance against a bowling group that is pedestrian by no stretch of the imagination. Afghanistan might be a little undercooked when it comes to batting in the topmost echelons, but as a bowling unit, they hardly suffer in comparison. Rashid Khan, Fazalhaq Farooqi, Mujeeb Ur Rahman and Mohammad Nabi form a formidable quartet, but Abhishek left them quivering in their collective boots, waiting for and ruthlessly punishing any indiscretion in length or direction with the most scything, punitive of willows.

In the two preceding matches of the series at the same venue, Abhishek had reeled off scores of 82 (32b) and 39 (19b) respectively. His lowest strike-rate (205.26) came in game two, sandwiched between similar efforts of 256.25 and 317.64, the latter killing any competitive interest in the dead rubber just a quarter of the way into the no-contest.

It was Abhishek at his majestic best, unhurried and unflustered, using a strong base as his ally and carefully eschewing the premeditation that has left many a batter horribly out of position. Abhishek seldom uses exaggerated feet movement whilst waiting for the bowler to deliver the ball, nor does he often seek recourse to the unconventional such as the reverse-scoop or a switch hit.

His areas of preference are in front of square rather than behind it. A beautiful bat-swing with the willow on the downward curve can be mesmerising and because Abhishek strikes the ball cleanly and down the ground, it’s more than likely that he will forever be one step ahead of the opposition. The effortlessness with which he sends the ball soaring deep into the stands is audaciously breathtaking in its simplicity and for the debilitating (for the bowlers) outcome from which there is no recovery.

The very nature of the T20 beast is such that it is almost an antidote to consistency. The consensus is that opening batters are best placed to stack up all the records, and there is no arguing with that because, after all, they are in a position to play more deliveries than those succeeding them in the batting order. But the propensity to push the envelope manifests itself in greater risk-taking when the field restrictions are in place, which automatically brings with it the threat of courting cheap dismissals.

Conservatism has been thrown out of the window a long time back. India are the leaders, in a manner of speaking, in setting the tone, having woken up to the demands of the format a little later than some others, and have now meticulously pieced together an amazing set of destroyers with Abhishek as the primary wrecking ball. The Afghanistan series saw him at his fiercely consistent best. He had a reasonably forgettable T20 World Cup; three ducks at the start were only marginally offset by a blazing half-century in the final, but he seems to have rediscovered his mojo now, which is an excellent sign with the Asian Games gold medal defence now exactly a week away.

Furious competition

Abhishek will be keen to show that there is more to him than just a 20-over marauder. There is furious competition for top-order places in the 50-over setup, with someone like Yashasvi Jaiswal, who has two hundreds in his last three ODI innings, struggling to break through. Abhishek’s List A (domestic 50-over) record isn’t trifling – he averages 33.78 while striking at 100.18 in 68 innings – but while he will be keen to evolve as a multi-format performer, he won’t lose any sleep over his longer-version future.

For now, his calling is in T20s and that’s where he will try to maximise his efficacy and get the team off to the kind of starts they have come to take for granted. He won’t be fazed by the fact that Vaibhav Sooryavanshi is breathing down his neck, or that there are other acknowledged ball-bashers aspiring for higher honours. Abhishek has found his Zen state — India’s pride, the rest of the world’s envy.

Five years after the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan, United Nation experts have warned that the regime’s “highly restrictive policies are reshaping every aspect of life in Afghanistan, with devastating consequences for children and young people.”

Young people form a majority of the Afghan demographic, and according to a new report by UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, “Taliban’s institutionalised system of discrimination, repression and ideological control is depriving children of their fundamental rights to inclusive and quality education, to express themselves, and to participate meaningfully in social and public life.”

“Afghanistan’s children are growing up in an environment where discrimination, especially against girls and women, is being normalised, they are denied the right to learn and their opportunities for the future are dramatically shrinking,” Mr. Bennett said, as per a press release.

While Mr. Bennett cited some improved security following the Taliban takeover, he expressed particular concern not only about the “continued denial of education beyond the sixth grade to girls, but also the increasing exposure of children and young people to gender-based violence, forced and child marriage, child labour, indoctrination and pressure to conform to restrictive ideological expectations.”

“These policies are not only violating children’s rights today – they are undermining their ability to determine their own futures,” the Special Rapporteur said. “For girls in particular, the systematic denial of education is closing doors that may never reopen, with serious consequences for their mental health and the country’s development as a whole.”

Mr. Bennett’s report observes that children are experiencing these harms against the backdrop of decades of conflict, poverty and unmet humanitarian needs.

By dismantling the legal framework and weakening and repurposing institutions that previously protected and promoted children’s rights, the Taliban has exposed Afghan children to violence, abuse and exploitation, the he said.

The United Nations General Assembly in 1989 adopted the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The 196 countries, who are signatories to the Convention must “ensure the physical and psychological recovery and social reintegration of child victims of armed conflict,” as per a 2025 report on ‘Rights of the child and violations of the human rights of children in armed conflicts’ “This duty applies regardless of whether the State bears direct responsibility for the child’s victimization and must be fulfilled in a manner that respects the child’s dignity, health and self-respect.”

Taliban restrictions limiting diversity of ideas

“The Taliban’s restrictions on media, culture and freedom of expression are limiting the diversity of ideas and experiences available to children and young people,” Mr. Bennett further said.

“Children need space to learn, to think freely, to express themselves and imagine a different future,” he said, adding that “instead, many are growing up in fear, isolation and uncertainty.”

“This is contributing to a growing sense of despair,” he said. “Combined with narrow forms of education or none at all, this risks creating future security concerns and a migration crisis.”

“But Afghan children must not be seen only as victims. Despite extraordinary pressure, many continue to show resilience, creativity and determination. They support their families and communities and continue to pursue alternative learning pathways,” Bennett said. “Investing in their capacities, creating opportunities for them to learn and hearing their voices are essential to building a more just, inclusive and peaceful Afghanistan.”

The Special Rapporteur urged the Taliban to end discriminatory policies and restore full access to comprehensive education for girls, strengthen child protection and justice systems, prevent child and forced marriage and child labour, prohibit corporal punishment and restore inclusive healthcare and social protection for children with disabilities.

States must fully fund the humanitarian response, including alternative education pathways for girls, expand safe pathways for Afghans at risk, and support mine action programmes, youth-led initiatives and accountability mechanisms, including the International Criminal Court and the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Afghanistan.

“Five years of restrictive rule and socio-economic collapse have fundamentally altered the conditions in which Afghanistan’s children are growing up,” Mr. Bennett said. “The international community must act now to protect their rights and ensure that present and future generations are not deprived of the opportunity to shape Afghanistan’s future.”

Published – September 08, 2026 11:50 am IST

It has been five years since the Taliban returned to Kabul, bringing an end to the U.S.-led military presence in Afghanistan and the Islamic Republic that had ruled the country for two decades. On August 15, 2021, the Taliban entered the Afghan capital as President Ashraf Ghani fled the country. The collapse of the government marked the end of America’s longest war and the Taliban’s return to power.

Five years later, the Taliban remain in control of Afghanistan.

So, what has changed since 2021? The most immediate change was the end of the war between the Taliban and the then Afghan government.

The U.S. and NATO completed their military withdrawal in August 2021. Afghan security forces collapsed soon afterwards. The Taliban took control of Kabul and established themselves as the country’s de facto government.

There is now no nationwide armed conflict comparable to the fighting that took place before 2021. The Taliban control Afghanistan’s major government institutions, security forces and borders, and the armed Opposition groups have not been able to mount a significant nationwide challenge.

For many Afghans, the reduction in fighting has meant improved security. Roads that were previously affected by battles and checkpoints are generally more accessible, and the risk of being caught in clashes between the Taliban and government forces has fallen.

But that does not mean Afghanistan is free of violence.

The Islamic State-Khorasan Province, or the ISKP, remains active and has carried out attacks against civilians, Taliban officials and foreign nationals. The Taliban have also carried out operations against the group.

There are also growing tensions with Pakistan. The two countries have repeatedly accused each other of allowing militant groups to operate from their territory, while clashes along the border have become more frequent. Pakistan had been an important supporter of the Taliban for years, but since 2021, Islamabad’s concerns over militant attacks and border security have increasingly complicated relations with Kabul.

Restrictions on women

If the end of the war is one of the biggest changes since 2021, the restrictions on women and girls are another. The situation of women and girls has changed sharply since the Taliban returned to power.

When the Taliban took control in 2021, they said they would respect women’s rights under their interpretation of Islamic law. But restrictions on women have steadily increased.

Girls remain barred from secondary education and higher education. Women have been excluded from many areas of employment and face restrictions on movement and access to public spaces. The restrictions have affected almost every aspect of women’s participation in public life.

The education ban has also created a longer-term problem. Girls who are unable to complete school cannot easily move on to university or professional training. This means fewer women will enter professions such as medicine, teaching, journalism and public administration, says Zan times, an exiled media organisation led by Afghan women.

Economic picture

The economic picture is a bit complicated. Before the 2021 takeover, international aid accounted for a significant part of government spending and economic activity. The withdrawal of foreign troops and the sudden reduction in aid created a major economic shock.

There were fears that the Afghan economy could collapse but that did not happen.

The Taliban have increased domestic revenue collection and have tried to expand trade with neighbouring countries. The regime has also invested in infrastructure and attempted to increase economic activity within the country.

Afghanistan has therefore achieved a degree of economic stability since the severe crisis that followed the Taliban takeover. But economic stability should not be confused with economic recovery.

Poverty remains widespread, unemployment remains a major problem and humanitarian assistance continues to be important for millions of Afghans. The country is also dealing with the return of large numbers of Afghans from Pakistan and Iran. Their arrival has created additional pressure on housing, employment and public services.

The Taliban regime has not received widespread international recognition. Most countries continue to avoid formally recognising the Taliban as Afghanistan’s legitimate government. The main concerns include restrictions on women, the absence of an inclusive political system and questions about terrorism and human rights.

At the same time, countries have increasingly had to deal with the Taliban because they control Afghanistan.

Russia has formally recognised the Taliban regime. China and the UAE have accepted Taliban-appointed ambassadors, while several Western governments have maintained contact with Taliban officials.

Ties with India

India has followed a cautious but increasingly pragmatic approach towards the Taliban since they returned to power in August 2021.

New Delhi did not recognise the Taliban regime. But it has gradually expanded diplomatic engagement with Kabul. India reopened its diplomatic mission in Kabul in 2022 and continued providing humanitarian assistance, including food, medicines and other supplies.

The engagement became more significant in 2025. In October, Taliban Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi visited New Delhi — the first official visit to India by a senior Taliban leader since the group returned to power. He met External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and held talks on political, economic and security issues.

Other Taliban officials followed. Taliban Commerce Minister Nooruddin Azizi visited India in November 2025 to discuss trade and investment, while Health Minister Noor Jalal Jalali visited in December to strengthen cooperation in healthcare.

Afghanistan remains important to India for several reasons. Security is one of the biggest concerns and Pakistan is another factor.

Five years after the Taliban returned to Kabul, the Taliban have demonstrated that they can maintain control of the state. But the country continues to face major challenges. The economy remains weak; humanitarian needs are high and security threats have not disappeared; relations with Pakistan have become difficult; and the restrictions on women and girls have significantly changed.

Published – August 21, 2026 06:00 am IST

India’s Nitish Kumar during a practice session ahead of the third One-Day International match against Afghanistan at the Chepauk stadium, Chennai, on June 19, 2026.
| Photo Credit: R. RAGU

Dhruv Jurel and head coach Gautam Gambhir during a practice session ahead of the India- Afghansitan Test match at the New Chandigarh Stadium on June 05, 2026.
| Photo Credit: R.V. MOORTHY

K.L. Rahul has been re-appointed vice-captain of India’s men’s Test squad, while the spin duo of Manav Suthar and Harsh Dubey along with lanky pacer Gurnoor Brar have earned their maiden Test call-ups for the one-off Test against Afghanistan to be played in New Chandigarh from June 6 to 10.

Prince Yadav, one of the standout performers of the ongoing Indian Premier League season, has received his maiden ODI call-up for the three-match series to follow beginning on June 14.

The senior national selection committee, chaired by Ajit Agarkar, met in Guwahati — the hometown of BCCI secretary Devajit Saikia — on Tuesday afternoon to pick both squads.

“There are a couple of guys who are injured who were part of the one-day squad before. With Gurnoor, we have seen a lot of promise over the last season and a half now. Tall guy with a bit of pace,” Agarkar said.

“Keeping the South African World Cup in mind, we are obviously going to try a few guys who at that point might be useful if they keep developing.

“Prince Yadav has shown a lot of promise through the domestic season. I think he had a really good Vijay Hazare (Trophy). Obviously, bowled well in the IPL. But we have seen that he has grown a lot as a bowler over the last year or so and has the necessary skills to succeed with the white ball.

“It is a great opportunity with these three one-days coming up. Because with the way the rules are structured and so much in favour of the batsmen, you are obviously looking at guys with regards to conditions in South Africa who have a chance of succeeding.

“And there might be a few more we try over the course of the next few series. These two are the ones that we have zeroed in at this point,” he added.

The Test squad does not feature Jasprit Bumrah and Ravindra Jadeja, with both players having been rested, as clarified by Agarkar during a virtual media interaction.

Rahul thus replaces Rishabh Pant as vice-captain. Pant has also lost his place in the ODI squad to Ishan Kishan, although Agarkar stressed that there was “no doubt” over Pant’s credentials as a match-winner in Test cricket.

“KL has been Test captain before. Obviously, Rishabh was vice-captain and we want him to be the best batter that he can be and that he has always been in Test cricket. So, no, there is no other reason. That’s the best option we think at this point that we have as far as vice-captain with experience.” Agarkar said.

Apart from Jadeja, Axar Patel is another notable absentee from the squads. Agarkar, however, said Jadeja remains the No. 1 spinner for Tests.

“Jadeja has just been rested for this Test. He is aware of it. That’s why he is not in the team. He still remains a very integral part of the Test team. We know what Jadeja or Axar can do.

“This is the time we try and give some opportunity to some of the other guys. Wth regards to Tests, he still remains our number one spinner,” Agarkar said.

Rohit Sharma and Hardik Pandya, both dealing with fitness concerns during the ongoing IPL, have been included in the ODI squad for the series starting June 13, subject to fitness clearance.

The squads: Test: Shubman Gill (Capt.), KL Rahul (Vice-capt.), Yashasvi Jaiswal, B. Sai Sudharsan, Rishabh Pant (wk), Devdutt Padikkal, Nitish Kumar Reddy, Washington Sundar, Kuldeep Yadav, Mohammed Siraj, Prasidh Krishna, Manav Suthar, Gurnoor Brar, Harsh Dubey, Dhruv Jurel (wk).

ODI: Shubman Gill (Capt.), Shreyas Iyer (Vice-capt.), Rohit Sharma*, Virat Kohli, KL Rahul (wk), Ishan Kishan (wk), Washington Sundar, Kuldeep Yadav, Hardik Pandya*, Prince Yadav, Prasidh Krishna, Harsh Dubey, Gurnoor Brar, Arshdeep Singh, Nitish Kumar Reddy. (* subject to fitness clearance)

The schedule: Test: June 6 to 10 (New Chandigarh).

ODIs: June 14 (Dharamsala), June 17 (Lucknow), June 20 (Chennai).

Published – May 19, 2026 06:40 pm IST

Afghanistan’s military launched an attack on Thursday (February 26, 2026) on Pakistan to retaliate for Pakistani airstrikes on Afghan border areas earlier in the week, claiming to have captured more than a dozen Pakistani army posts in the latest escalation of violence between the volatile neighbours.

Pakistan’s government, which had described Sunday’s airstrikes as an attack on militants harboured in the area, confirmed clashes were taking place on Thursday (February 26, 2026) along the border but dismissed claims that army posts had been captured. It called Afghanistan’s attacks on Thursday unprovoked.

Afghanistan’s military corps in the east said in a statement that “heavy clashes” had begun Thursday night “in response to the recent airstrikes carried out by Pakistani forces” in eastern Afghanistan.

“In response to the repeated rebellions and insurrections of the Pakistani military, large-scale offensive operations were launched against Pakistani military bases and military installations along the Durand Line,” Afghan government spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid said in a post on X Thursday night.

The two countries’ 2,611-kilometre long border is known as the Durand Line, which Afghanistan has not formally recognised.

Afghanistan’s Defense Ministry said the retaliatory attacks were occurring along the border in five provinces, and said 17 Pakistani army posts had been captured and 40 soldiers killed, with the bodies of 13 taken into Afghanistan.

Mr. Mujahid, the government spokesman, said in a post on X that some Pakistani soldiers had been captured alive. There was no official response from Pakistan on the claims of casualties or of soldiers being captured.

In Pakistan, spokesman Mosharraf Ali Zaidi for Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif denied that any Pakistani soldiers had been killed or captured, and that any Pakistani posts had been captured or damaged. He said Pakistani forces had instead inflicted heavy losses along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border in response to what he said were unprovoked Taliban attacks.

“As of right now, there have been no Pakistani soldiers captured, nor any Pakistani soldiers martyred. Any claims of damage to Pakistan thus far are little more than the fantasy of India’s proxies in Afghanistan,” Mr. Zaidi said.

Pakistan’s Information Ministry said in a post on X that Afghanistan had opened “unprovoked fire” at multiple locations along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province and that the action was being met with an “immediate and effective response” from Pakistan’s security forces.

It said early reports indicated heavy casualties on the Afghan side and that multiple posts and pieces of equipment had been destroyed.

“Pakistan will take all necessary measures to ensure its territorial integrity and the safety and security of its citizens,” the statement said.

Afghanistan’s military released video footage of military vehicles moving at night, and the sound of heavy gunfire. The video could not be independently verified.

Tension has been high between the two neighbours for months, with deadly border clashes in October killing dozens of soldiers, civilians and suspected militants. The violence followed explosions in Kabul that Afghan officials blamed on Pakistan. Islamabad, at the time, conducted strikes deep inside Afghanistan to target militant hideouts.

A Qatari-mediated ceasefire between the two countries has largely held, but the two sides have still occasionally traded fire across the border. Several rounds of peace talks in November failed to produce a formal agreement.

On Sunday, Pakistan’s military carried out strikes along the border with Afghanistan, saying it had killed at least 70 militants.

Afghanistan rejected the claim, saying dozens of civilians had been killed, including women and children. The Defence Ministry said “various civilian areas” in eastern Afghanistan had been hit, including a religious madrassa and several homes. The ministry said the strikes were a violation of Afghanistan’s airspace and sovereignty.

Hours before Thursday’s border clashes erupted, Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Tahir Andrabi defended the military’s early Sunday strikes on what he described as training camps of the Pakistani Taliban along the Afghan border.

At a weekly news conference in Islamabad on Thursday, he said those “precision strikes were carried out” in response to recent militant attacks in Pakistan. Andrabi said Pakistan “remains cognizant of the threats that emanate from Afghanistan.” He said attacks inside Pakistan, which he blamed on “Khawarij,” a term the government uses for the Pakistani Taliban, have increased over the past year.

“We have nothing against the people of Afghanistan,” Andrabi said.

Militant violence has surged in Pakistan in recent years, much of which Pakistan blames on the Pakistani Taliban, or TTP, and outlawed Baloch separatist groups. The TTP is separate from but closely allied with Afghanistan’s Taliban. Islamabad accuses the TTP of operating from inside Afghanistan, a charge both the group and Kabul deny.

Published – February 27, 2026 02:59 am IST